scholarly journals Three Decades of Working Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) in Andaman and Nicobar Islands: Issues and Challenges

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (12) ◽  
pp. 338-343
Author(s):  
R.V. R. Murthy

Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) are the cornerstone of local self government and it provides democratic platform for people's participation at various levels of governance in India. PRIs have been given constitutional status through 73rd Constitutional Amendment in 1992 to make democracy more functional at the local level and driven by citizens needs in addition to with their participation to ensure economic development, strengthen social justice and implementing Central as well as State government welfare schemes including those 29 subjects listed in the Eleventh schedule. In its present form and structure, the PRIs in Andaman and Nicobar Islands have completed three decades of existence and well entrenched with the rural life and have brought about major development in Andaman and Nicobar Islands. However, a lot remains to be done in order to further deepen decentralization and strengthen democracy at the grass root level in the absence of legislature at Union Territory level. Given the general conceptual implication, the present paper seeks to make an in-depth study of issues and challenges encounter by PRIs in Andaman and Nicobar Islands in particular. Keywords: Governance, Participation, Gram Sabha, Zilla Parishad.

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (S1-Feb) ◽  
pp. 79-84
Author(s):  
Aamir Iqbal

The creation of the institution of Panchayati Raj was a landmark in Indian history for democracy to percolate deep down to the grass-root level. It is seen as a mechanism through which the unheard’s voice could find a place in the planning and implementation process. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1992, passed by the union government of India becomes the Panchayati Raj law, on April 24, 1993. This amendment act gave the constitutional status to the Panchayats. The power of the local bodies to govern and manage local issues is the highest level of democracy observed in India. Its outcome is the people’s involvement in running their affairs, which results in direct and participatory democracy at a local level, whereas at the national level, it is a parliamentary democracy. The concept of Panchayati Raj in Jammu and Kashmir is the original one; it was the Maharaja Hari Singh, the ruler of the erstwhile state, who introduced the concept of Panchayati Raj in the state in 1935 when he enacted the first Village Panchayati Regulation Act No 1. To see the development concerning the Panchayati Raj in other states of the nation, the government later came with new and comprehensive legislation, which is called the Jammu and Kashmir Panchayati Raj Act 19891. Even though Panchayati raj institutions provide opportunities to the local people to participate in the political and development process at the grass-root level, but these institutions still do not work suitably in the Union Territory of Jammu & Kashmir.The present paper deals with the problems and challenges faced by the representatives of these institutions and emphasize the effect of militancy in the proper functioning of these institutions in the union territory of J&K.


Author(s):  
Niaz Ahmad ◽  
Abida Bano ◽  
Ashfaq Rehman

Local government is visualised as a tool for promoting political participation, downward accountability, which consequently leads to the establishment of good governance at the grass-root level. In the establishment of the local government system, the main ingredients of good governance, such as participation and downward accountability, reckon almost on the nature of elections. However, societies marked with strong cultural and socially embedded informal institutions, already existed from generations, hinder formal institutions to play its intended role. In Pakistan, some socio-cultural features like gender, ascribed status, and economic background of the individuals influence the entire process of elections adversely. This paper attempts to assess the processes of the local government elections in District Karak, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Pakistan. It aims to highlight the deterministic role of other informal institutional forces that affect the outcome of local elections. It investigates, how the process of local government elections is influenced in Pakistan and how do people decide whom to vote for in these elections. The study argues that policymakers should work on strengthening the formal institutions of elections through measures such as monitoring by media, referendums, auditing, evaluations, education, and political awareness as alternatives to ensure good governance at the local level in Pakistan.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Shuvra Chowdhury

Inclusiveness of the excluded is a new phenomenon in the study of governance. This is suggested in the researches that macroeconomic aggregates do not, as had been assumed, have a ‘trickle-down effect. The actors including state and societal that either play a dominant role or do not play any role at all in the policy process become evident in the systematic study of the policy formulation process. In Bangladesh, the participatory policy formulation process is introduced by the Local Government (Union Parishad) Act, 2009. This study used a qualitative case-study methodology, backed by secondary documentary analysis, and assessed the process of formulation of the policy at the participatory planning and budgeting processes at the local level in six Union Parishads(UP), the lowest administrative tier of Bangladesh. Based on empirical data this paper found that citizens were able to identify their priority needs of life if they were offered the opportunity.The nexus between donors and government works as an iron triangle and as an outcome, the citizens become unwilling to participate in those processes when they are being perceived that their needs are being neglected due to resource constraints. The absence of societal actors to play a dominant role to act as a pressure group in the policy formulation process, resource constraints, and patron-client relationship are some factors that exclude the demands of the grass-root level citizens. It is suggested that governments need to explicitly consider the human development objectives of local people when formulating macroeconomic policy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 5-6
Author(s):  
Binita Panda

The 21 century is well-known for its advancement and development in every aspect.Similarly it cannot be ignored that st everywhere one strong belief has been established that women are equal with men. No doubt women are being empowered and have proven themselves in the higher position in different sectors. There are provisions for the promotion and protection of women's rights in UDHR, several international covenants, Indian constitution, and in the various schemes enunciated by the state government at the local or grass root level too. But in real world, are women actually treated equally with men in every field? Whether the legal provisions are been actually practiced? Are they leading a free and independent life as their counterparts? Are they enjoying equality with their men folk? Are these legal provisions really helping them? All the above questions remained unanswered. In this regard this paper analyses the provisions guaranteed by the Indian constitution providing equality both for men and women i.e.Right to equality with its ground reality.To answer the above questions it discusses the current status and position of women in western Odisha.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Sujit Kumar Paul

The term ‘decentralisation’ has generally been used to refer to a variety of institutional reforms. It has sometimes been considered as a change in the organisational framework in which political, social and economic decisions are made and implemented. It is also understood as a mechanism to transfer responsibility and authority. In recent years, decentralisation has received singular attention all over the world. It has been considered as one of the most important elements in development strategy. It is a global and regional phenomenon, and most countries have attempted to implement it as a tool for development, as a political philosophy, and as a mechanism for sharing responsibility at different levels.Since 1980s, developing countries have increasingly adopted decentralised form of governance. Decentralisation means the transfer of authority and responsibility from central to intermediate and local governments. Although the democratic decentralisation in terms of Panchayati Raj Institutions (village councils) was a post-Independence phenomenon, there has been a legacy and tradition of village panchayats since time immemorial in India. The 73rd and 74th Amendment Act, 1993 of the Constitution of India has made the Panchayat an institution of self-government. As per the constitution, Panchayats shall prepare plan for economic development and social justice at their level. The District Planning Committee shall integrate the plan so prepared with the plans prepared by the local bodies at district level. The success and failure of the Panchayats would depend on planning and implementation. It also depends on maximum people’s participation at every stage of planning process, from proposal to implementation. People’s participation in local-level development has been exercised through the formulation of the Panchayat-level development plan, project coordination at intermediate and district levels of the Panchayats.The Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) in West Bengal are very strong bodies, which function as real institutions of self-governance. In West Bengal, the planning process of grass-root level has some stages from proposal to implementation. After introduction of 3-tier Panchayat system in 1978, the Government of West Bengal brought about need-based reforms in the system from time to time from the very beginning. Encouraged by the State Government’s strong commitment to rural decentralisation, Department for International Development (DFID), Government of UK came forward to support the ongoing rural decentralisation initiatives and upscale the bottom-up planning process. In the present study, an attempt has been made to understand the role of DFID for strengthening decentralisation in rural Bengal.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Thirupathi ◽  
Sultana Aijaz ◽  
K. Bhaskar

By bridging the gap between PRIs and parallel bodies across the country, this study will examine how the process of decentralisation is being actively considered by the Indian government as well as state governments. The multiple parallel bodies established by governments have resulted in the emergence of numerous parallel structures, undermining the panchayats. The proliferation of organisations has confused, as well as conflict and disempowerment of the Panchayats. The interface has become a key component of many state governments' agendas to assist make the multiple parallel entities more effective, sustainable, and PRIs-friendly. Accept that interlinkages will play a limited role and influence in the process of decentralisation and good governance unless the government takes decisive steps to devolve functions, funding, and officials to the PRIs, enabling decentralised planning and convergence. The higher authority would then have to disempower themselves to empower the PRIs. Devolution of power and authority from the State Government to the three-tiered PRIs could provide space and opportunity for more rigorous accountability measures. My article reflects on how many states are implementing programmes primarily through state bureaucracies, resulting in parallel structures, which is contrary to the spirit of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act of 1992. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0875/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-52
Author(s):  
Nina Nurmila

This article aims to offer a textual analysis of Rahima and Fahmina’s publications. Rahima and Fahmina are two Non-Government Organizations founded in 2000 by a young generation of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), one of the largest moderate Muslim organizations in Indonesia. There are more similarities than differences between Rahima and Fahmina because the persons involved in the organizations are close friends and, in fact, the same persons even though both are based in two different cities. Since their foundation, both Rahima and Fahmina have published many books and magazines. This article argues that both Rahima dan Fahmina publications offer a new grounded feminist approach to Islam, which counterbalance the dominant male-biased normative approach to Islam in most Muslim societies. These publications are based on their feminist activism and community engagement with the grass-root level of many Nahdlatul Ulama pesantrens (Islamic boarding schools). The topics of their publication cover many current issues such as fiqh of women’s reproductive rights and empowerment, fiqh of the daily life of migrant workers, fiqh of anti-trafficking, prevention of child marriage, violent extremism and religious pluralism. As a result, the progressive nature of their publications negates the existing label of NU as the traditionalist organization.


Author(s):  
Kalaichelvi Sivaraman ◽  
Rengasamy Stalin

This research paper is the part of Research Project entitled “Impact of Elected Women Representatives in the Life and Livelihood of the Women in Rural Areas: With Special Reference to Tiruvannamalai District, Tamil Nadu” funded by University of Madras under UGC-UPE Scheme.The 73rd and 74th amendments of the Constitution of India were made by the government to strengthen the position of women and to create a local-level legal foundation for direct democracy for women in both rural and urban areas. The representation for women in local bodies through reservation policies amendment in Constitution of India has stimulated the political participation of women in rural areas. However, when it’s comes to the argument of whether the women reservation in Panchayati Raj helps or benefits to the life and livelihood development of women as a group? The answer is hypothetical because the studies related to the impact of women representatives of Panchayati Raj in the life and livelihood development of women was very less. Therefore, to fill the gap in existing literature, the present study was conducted among the rural women of Tiruvannamalai district to assess the impact of elected women representatives in the physical and financial and business development of the women in rural areas. The findings revealed that during the last five years because of the women representation in their village Panjayati Raj, the Physical Asset of the rural women were increased or developed moderately (55.8%) and Highly (23.4%) and the Financial and Business Asset of the rural women were increased or developed moderately (60.4%) and Highly (18.7%).


2007 ◽  
Vol 152 (6) ◽  
pp. 1223-1228 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Datta ◽  
P. K. Chandra ◽  
A. Banerjee ◽  
R. Chakravarty ◽  
K. M. Murhekar ◽  
...  

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