scholarly journals Problems and Challenges faced by Panchayati Raj Institutions in the Union Territory of Jammu & Kashmir

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (S1-Feb) ◽  
pp. 79-84
Author(s):  
Aamir Iqbal

The creation of the institution of Panchayati Raj was a landmark in Indian history for democracy to percolate deep down to the grass-root level. It is seen as a mechanism through which the unheard’s voice could find a place in the planning and implementation process. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1992, passed by the union government of India becomes the Panchayati Raj law, on April 24, 1993. This amendment act gave the constitutional status to the Panchayats. The power of the local bodies to govern and manage local issues is the highest level of democracy observed in India. Its outcome is the people’s involvement in running their affairs, which results in direct and participatory democracy at a local level, whereas at the national level, it is a parliamentary democracy. The concept of Panchayati Raj in Jammu and Kashmir is the original one; it was the Maharaja Hari Singh, the ruler of the erstwhile state, who introduced the concept of Panchayati Raj in the state in 1935 when he enacted the first Village Panchayati Regulation Act No 1. To see the development concerning the Panchayati Raj in other states of the nation, the government later came with new and comprehensive legislation, which is called the Jammu and Kashmir Panchayati Raj Act 19891. Even though Panchayati raj institutions provide opportunities to the local people to participate in the political and development process at the grass-root level, but these institutions still do not work suitably in the Union Territory of Jammu & Kashmir.The present paper deals with the problems and challenges faced by the representatives of these institutions and emphasize the effect of militancy in the proper functioning of these institutions in the union territory of J&K.

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (12) ◽  
pp. 338-343
Author(s):  
R.V. R. Murthy

Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) are the cornerstone of local self government and it provides democratic platform for people's participation at various levels of governance in India. PRIs have been given constitutional status through 73rd Constitutional Amendment in 1992 to make democracy more functional at the local level and driven by citizens needs in addition to with their participation to ensure economic development, strengthen social justice and implementing Central as well as State government welfare schemes including those 29 subjects listed in the Eleventh schedule. In its present form and structure, the PRIs in Andaman and Nicobar Islands have completed three decades of existence and well entrenched with the rural life and have brought about major development in Andaman and Nicobar Islands. However, a lot remains to be done in order to further deepen decentralization and strengthen democracy at the grass root level in the absence of legislature at Union Territory level. Given the general conceptual implication, the present paper seeks to make an in-depth study of issues and challenges encounter by PRIs in Andaman and Nicobar Islands in particular. Keywords: Governance, Participation, Gram Sabha, Zilla Parishad.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Sujit Kumar Paul

The term ‘decentralisation’ has generally been used to refer to a variety of institutional reforms. It has sometimes been considered as a change in the organisational framework in which political, social and economic decisions are made and implemented. It is also understood as a mechanism to transfer responsibility and authority. In recent years, decentralisation has received singular attention all over the world. It has been considered as one of the most important elements in development strategy. It is a global and regional phenomenon, and most countries have attempted to implement it as a tool for development, as a political philosophy, and as a mechanism for sharing responsibility at different levels.Since 1980s, developing countries have increasingly adopted decentralised form of governance. Decentralisation means the transfer of authority and responsibility from central to intermediate and local governments. Although the democratic decentralisation in terms of Panchayati Raj Institutions (village councils) was a post-Independence phenomenon, there has been a legacy and tradition of village panchayats since time immemorial in India. The 73rd and 74th Amendment Act, 1993 of the Constitution of India has made the Panchayat an institution of self-government. As per the constitution, Panchayats shall prepare plan for economic development and social justice at their level. The District Planning Committee shall integrate the plan so prepared with the plans prepared by the local bodies at district level. The success and failure of the Panchayats would depend on planning and implementation. It also depends on maximum people’s participation at every stage of planning process, from proposal to implementation. People’s participation in local-level development has been exercised through the formulation of the Panchayat-level development plan, project coordination at intermediate and district levels of the Panchayats.The Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) in West Bengal are very strong bodies, which function as real institutions of self-governance. In West Bengal, the planning process of grass-root level has some stages from proposal to implementation. After introduction of 3-tier Panchayat system in 1978, the Government of West Bengal brought about need-based reforms in the system from time to time from the very beginning. Encouraged by the State Government’s strong commitment to rural decentralisation, Department for International Development (DFID), Government of UK came forward to support the ongoing rural decentralisation initiatives and upscale the bottom-up planning process. In the present study, an attempt has been made to understand the role of DFID for strengthening decentralisation in rural Bengal.


Author(s):  
Kalaichelvi Sivaraman ◽  
Rengasamy Stalin

This research paper is the part of Research Project entitled “Impact of Elected Women Representatives in the Life and Livelihood of the Women in Rural Areas: With Special Reference to Tiruvannamalai District, Tamil Nadu” funded by University of Madras under UGC-UPE Scheme.The 73rd and 74th amendments of the Constitution of India were made by the government to strengthen the position of women and to create a local-level legal foundation for direct democracy for women in both rural and urban areas. The representation for women in local bodies through reservation policies amendment in Constitution of India has stimulated the political participation of women in rural areas. However, when it’s comes to the argument of whether the women reservation in Panchayati Raj helps or benefits to the life and livelihood development of women as a group? The answer is hypothetical because the studies related to the impact of women representatives of Panchayati Raj in the life and livelihood development of women was very less. Therefore, to fill the gap in existing literature, the present study was conducted among the rural women of Tiruvannamalai district to assess the impact of elected women representatives in the physical and financial and business development of the women in rural areas. The findings revealed that during the last five years because of the women representation in their village Panjayati Raj, the Physical Asset of the rural women were increased or developed moderately (55.8%) and Highly (23.4%) and the Financial and Business Asset of the rural women were increased or developed moderately (60.4%) and Highly (18.7%).


1987 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 444-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa

THE PORTUGUESE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OF 19 JULY 1987 initiated a profound change in the Portuguese party system and in the system of government. From 1974 onwards, Portugal had moved peacefully towards a democratic political system, enshrined in the 1976 Constitution. This evolution lasted about eight years and culminated in the revision of the Constitution in 1982. From 1982 onwards the present political regime has been a democratic one, coexisting with a capitalist economic regime attenuated by state monopoly in key sectors and by public companies which were nationalized between 1974 and 1976. It is also since 1982 that the system of government has been semi-presidential. There is pure representativeness as referendums do not exist at national level and have never been regulated at local level. But the government is semi-presidential in the sense that, owing to French influence, it attempts to balance Parliament with the election of the President of the Republic by direct and universal suffrage.


Author(s):  
Niaz Ahmad ◽  
Abida Bano ◽  
Ashfaq Rehman

Local government is visualised as a tool for promoting political participation, downward accountability, which consequently leads to the establishment of good governance at the grass-root level. In the establishment of the local government system, the main ingredients of good governance, such as participation and downward accountability, reckon almost on the nature of elections. However, societies marked with strong cultural and socially embedded informal institutions, already existed from generations, hinder formal institutions to play its intended role. In Pakistan, some socio-cultural features like gender, ascribed status, and economic background of the individuals influence the entire process of elections adversely. This paper attempts to assess the processes of the local government elections in District Karak, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Pakistan. It aims to highlight the deterministic role of other informal institutional forces that affect the outcome of local elections. It investigates, how the process of local government elections is influenced in Pakistan and how do people decide whom to vote for in these elections. The study argues that policymakers should work on strengthening the formal institutions of elections through measures such as monitoring by media, referendums, auditing, evaluations, education, and political awareness as alternatives to ensure good governance at the local level in Pakistan.


LAW REVIEW ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sangita Laha

Women have been struggling for self-respect and autonomy. Although women constitute one half of the population, they continue to be subjugated, unequal in socioeconomic and political status.There have been several attempts to improve the position of women since India got independence in 1947. Since mid-1980 owing to questioning by women themselves about their oppressed status and plight through varied women’s movements, the issue of ‘women empowerment’ came into focus. The Government of India declared the year 2001 as year for the ‘Empowerment of Women’, but the struggle to reach this stage has been long and arduous. . It has also resulted in the entry of a large number of women in decision-making bodies in rural areas, who were otherwise homemakers. Political participation and grassroots democracy have been strengthened considerably by the 73rd Constitutional Amendment that has created new democratic institutions for local governance yet t women are facing the various problem in the functioning of panchayats. After getting the reservation in the panchayats, they are still depending on their husband or other male members of their family. So for knowing the status of women in the all level of panchayats in India, this paper is based on the secondary data and deals with the political participation and representation of the rural women in the panchayats in India. The theoretical perspective of the evolution of the panchayati raj system in India and the journey of the women in the local governance has also been explained in the study.Several factors which responsible for women’s low participation have been dealt with.In this context, the paper tries to analyse the government initiative for women’s empowerment in the Panchyats, an opportunity to come forward through reservation and highlighting the factors which overtly or covertly tend to prevent women members from performing their roles. Some necessary steps for empowering the women have been suggested.


Author(s):  
Md. Mashiur Rahman ◽  
Salma Nasrin

A paradigm shift in the political system has been taken in Bangladesh on 12 October, 2015 with the final approval by the Cabinet to hold local polls on partisan basis. The long historical practice of non-partisan local polls has been shifted to first ever partisan poll that brought major challenges for the existing confrontational political parties of Bangladesh. Ruling Bangladesh Awami League considered demonstrating its popularity at grass-root level and controlled all political institution through this election while Bangladesh Nationalist Party had opposed these partisan local government elections as a political trick with an ill motive by the government. For the first time in Independent Bangladesh, 9th Union Parishad[1](UP) election hold on partisan basis at six phases across the country from March to June 2016. The articles tried to explore the experiences of this maiden partisan UP polls and what are the immediate consequences on the local governance as well as electoral system through reviewing seceondary materials specially the Daily Newspapers. Unfortunately massive violence, record deaths and uncontested elected Chairman, election fraughts & irregularities, reluctant role of Election Commission, strong dominant of ruling party over electoral system were common phenomenon in this maiden partisan election.[1] Lowest tier of rural local government in Bangladesh.


Subject Proposed reforms in the oil and gas sector. Significance In the face of strong resource nationalism, President Joko 'Jokowi' Widodo's government faces strong pressure to improve the balance between public control and private participation in the oil and gas sector. To that end, the government proposes to amend the 2001 oil and gas law. Its draft amendment proposes, most notably, that state enterprises should control all production operations, while private investors provide technology and capital. The government is also considering revisions to the upstream regime, which is currently based on production-sharing contracts (PSCs). These changes require parliamentary approval. Impacts Private firms, especially foreign ones, are likely to delay fresh investment in energy assets, given the oil and gas market glut. Indonesia's vast natural resource endowment will attract private interest, but regulatory uncertainty will be an abiding problem. Transparency in the extractive sector will continue to rise at the national level, but local level reforms will be slow.


Author(s):  
Arunima Saini ◽  
Monika Agarwal

Background: India is facing the surging trend of non-communicable diseases (NCD). Forecasting the burden for NCDs, the Government of India (GOI) initiated a program in 2010 across the country, i.e., National Programme for Prevention and Control of Cancer, Diabetes, Cardiovascular Diseases, and Stroke. The GOI has envisaged the female health workers (FHW) for the last mile delivery of health services under the programme. Available literature shows that FHWs lack essential knowledge regarding chronic diseases. This study attempts to fill these gaps by studying knowledge and skills regarding NCDs among FHWs in rural Lucknow. Objectives were to explore the knowledge about NCDs among ASHAs and ANMs in rural Lucknow and to assess of skills related to NCD screening among ANMs in rural Lucknow.Methods: It was a cross-sectional study conducted among FHWs of Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh from June 2019 to August 2019.Results: Among the FHWs, knowledge about NCDs was found to be higher for those with the age more than 40 years, with the education of higher secondary and above and also amongst those who had received previous training for NCDs.Conclusions: Majority of the respondents were found to have poor knowledge regarding NCDs. Additionally, older age, training and higher education are found to be associated with good knowledge; there is a need of training of grass root level workers for them to correctly identify the symptoms and risk factors of various NCDs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Giribabu Dandabathula ◽  
Sudhakar Ch. Reddy ◽  
Chandrika Mohapatra ◽  
Peddineni V.V Prasada Rao

Sustainable Development (SD) not only ensures addressing the root cause of poverty but also helps in achieving the wellness of society. Protecting the natural resources for current and future generations is the main goal of the SD process. In recent times, developing countries have initiated social safety nets (SSNs) for poverty elimination and to achieve the SD goals through public works. The Government of India has initiated numerous development projects aimed to achieve SD and Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) is one of them. The research objective of this article is to harness the power of geospatial technology for evaluating the public works under MGNREGA at a district level. The proposed research method utilizes the power of remote sensing data with a very high spatial and temporal resolution to monitor the development activities at the grass root level. Satellite based land-use maps, indices, and publicly available web based geospatial information systems have been used in this investigation to assess the changes that have occurred due to the community-level planned activities. The findings from this research confirm that MGNREGA has the potential to accrue multiple dividends at all the three pillars of SD, i.e., economic development, social development, and environmental protection. It was proved from this research that public works under MGNREGA besides providing the wage based employment to the beneficiaries resulted in improved water conservation and harvesting facilities in the study area and in return, these facilities acted as a catalyst for improved agricultural productivity.


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