scholarly journals Manipulative Capacity in the application of the Comparison mechanism

2021 ◽  
pp. 92-102
Author(s):  
Benik Yeribekyan
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Basis ◽  
Reference Group ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Behavioural Pattern ◽  
Practical Application ◽  
Self Image ◽  
Psychological Structure ◽  
Psychoanalytic Approach ◽  
Symbolic Image

The article presents some theoretical justifications and some features of the origin of the comparison mechanism. Some areas of the practical application of the comparison mechanism were also presented, and the main manipulative intentions were analyzed. The theoretical part considers and analyzes the problems and features of the development of a comparison mechanism. In particular, the Adler theory is analyzed. The author substantiates the fact that the basis of the comparison mechanism originates in early childhood. In this process, a particular role and significance is the fact of comparison with siblings. The theory of object relations is also considered a theoretical basis, especially regarding the psychological structure of the narcissistic personality. In this context, the psychoanalytic approach is regarded as a profound basis for forming a psychological comparison mechanism and later becomes a stable behavioural pattern. The correlation between the emergence of the psychological comparison mechanism and the influence of the individual's environment is also theoretically justified. The formed behavioural pattern becomes the basis for subsequent manipulations in the field of social psychology. In particular, the concept of a reference group is when an individual compares himself with members of his group and groups of opponents. In this case, using this mechanism, you can build the foundations of national identity and, as an additional tactic using the mechanism of depreciation. In marketing, a manipulative comparison mechanism is used to influence the self-image. In this case, a particular consumer is identified with this image by comparing himself to the advertising image. In the political and marketing spheres, manipulative use of the comparison mechanism can be found very often. The phenomenon of manipulation in this context concerns the concept of intention. The main manipulative intention is the desire to devalue. In politics, devaluation is often used, and in marketing, dominance is used. In the context of the latter, appropriate language is used. The manipulative use of the comparison mechanism is considered in the example of the discursive practices of representatives of individual political elites. In the political sphere, in using the comparison mechanism, the intention of devaluation, narcissistic comparison is mainly used. This process can particularly be seen when comparing the speech of the President of Georgia with the statement of the President of Ukraine. Using the example of President Zelensky's statement, one can see the use of a symbolic image, which provides even greater power of manipulative influence on one's audience. In marketing and advertising, the comparison mechanism is combined with the demonstration of the advantages of your own product compared to others.

scholarly journals Technology to strengthen students’ self-awareness of their personal qualities

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 164-176
Author(s):  
Vladimir Maralov ◽  
◽  
Vyacheslav Sitarov ◽  
Irina Koryagina ◽  
Larissa Romanyuk ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Basis ◽  
Self Awareness ◽  
Practical Application ◽  
Modified Technique ◽  
Self Image ◽  
Self Actualization ◽  
Personal Qualities ◽  
Concentric Circles ◽  
The Individual

There is a need to develop specific techniques to help individuals in self-actualization. The article suggests an instrument that has been tested over years and validated with over 800 people. The theoretical basis is the method of making inner knowledge explicit, using a construct called sub�personality. The technology suggested the individual follows four steps: (1) s/he analyzes his/her strengths and weaknesses, drawing them on a plane of four concentric circles on paper; (2) s/he draws the qualities – subpersonalities as ‘little houses’; (3) models his/her personality with the help of a modified technique “Work with creative garbage”; and (4) uses elements of psychodrama (role-divided psychotherapy). The paper presents a case study of one participant, so as to show the practical application of this technology, and to validate its effectiveness. In the concluding section, we demonstrate how this technology helps a person to interpret one of his/her personal qualities, and creates conditions for self-acceptance, integrity of self-image, and ways of self-actualization. We confirm that the technology described can help psychologists to assist their patients in self-cognition and in learning about their personal qualities. This can help psychology experts in various fields.

Political risks of recovering and discovering meanings in the collective memory of a perverse religious organisation

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-47
Author(s):  
Eduardo Acuña Aguirre
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Abuse ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Theoretical Basis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Influences ◽  
Conversion Event ◽  
Political Risks ◽  
Political Actions ◽  
The Catholic Church

This article refers to the political risks that a group of five parishioners, members of an aristocratic Catholic parish located in Santiago, Chile, had to face when they recovered and discovered unconscious meanings about the hard and persistent psychological and sexual abuse they suffered in that religious organisation. Recovering and discovering meanings, from the collective memory of that parish, was a sort of conversion event in the five parishioners that determined their decision to bring to the surface of Chilean society the knowledge that the parish, led by the priest Fernando Karadima, functioned as a perverse organisation. That determination implied that the five individuals had to struggle against powerful forces in society, including the dominant Catholic Church in Chile and the political influences from the conservative Catholic elite that attempted to ignore the existence of the abuses that were denounced. The result of this article explains how the five parishioners, through their concerted political actions and courage, forced the Catholic Church to recognise, in an ambivalent way, the abuses committed by Karadima. The theoretical basis of this presentation is based on a socioanalytical approach that mainly considers the understanding of perversion in organisations and their consequences in the control of anxieties.

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ БЕСПРЕДЕЛ ОППОЗИЦИИ И ПОЧЕМУ ВЫИГРАЛ ВЫБОРЫ АШРАФ ГАНИ?

2020 ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
Мохаммад Исаак Шафак
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Expert Assessment ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Underlying Causes ◽  
Personal Qualities

Аннотация: В данной статье автор исследовал феномен победы действующего президента Мохаммада Аршаф Гани, выигравшего во второй раз президентские выборы у своих оппонентов, его персональные качества в отличие от его оппонентов, проигравших выборы на пример Абдуллы Абдуллы. Названы глубинные причины возникновения политического кризиса, как недоговороспособность политических элит Афганистана, разрозненных личными и местечковыми интересами своих кланов. Сделан анализ, почему годами оставаясь у власти, оппоненты Ашрафа Гани, не использовали свои властные полномочия не улучшили политическую ситуацию Афганистана. Автором приведены аналитические выводы их отрицательного влияния на развитие политических процессов, это связано большей частью для сохранения собственных корыстных интересов и благ. Автор на примере анализа деятельности президента и его оппонентов на выборах, выразил собственное экспертную оценку вокруг сложившийся политической ситуации вновь избранного действующего президента Ашрафа Гани Ахмадзая, как политической персоны, выделив его слабые и сильные стороны и оппонентов. Ключевые слова: феномен победы, политический кризис, выборы. Аннотация: Автордун бул илимий макаласында, Мохаммад Ашраф Ганидин экинчи мөөнөткө 2019 -жылы 28-сентябрда болуп өткөн президенттик шайлоодо атаандаштарын утушу, Абдулла Абдулла жана да башка оппонентеринин президенттик шайлоодогу жеке сапаттарын изилдеген. Ооган саясий элитасынын ар түрдүү жеке жана ичи тардык, кызгануу сыяктуу эле кызыкчылыктарын, саясий башаламандык кыймылы жөнүндө жана ошол себептер менен саясий кризис курчуунун негизги себептерин атады. Алардын (эски элитанын) бийликте калуу максатында кыймылдарынын терс таасири тууралуу аналитикалык корутунду көрсөттү, бул инсандар негизинен өздөрүнүн жеке керт башынын кызыкчылыктары менен пайдасын сактоо менен байланыштуу, шайлоодо президенттин иш-аракеттери жана оппоненттери боюнча сереп-талдоо жазылган. Ооганстандагы саясый кырдаал жакшырган жок, саясий жараяндар таатал боюнча калууда, Ашраф Гани менен оппоненттеринин күчтүү жактарын жана кемчиликтери касиеттери жөнүндө, учурдагы Ооганстанда саясий кырдаал тууралуу өзүнүн серебин билдирди. Түйүндүү сөздөр: жеңүүнүн феномени, саясий кризис, шайлоо Annotation: In this article, the author explored the phenomenon of victory of incumbent President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, who won the second time the presidential election against his opponents, his personal qualities, unlike his opponents, who lost theelection by the example of Abdullah Abdullah. The underlying causes of the political crisis are identified as the lack of maturity of the political elites of Afghanistan, fragmented by the personal and local interests of their clans. An analysis is made of why staying in power for years, opponents of Ashraf Ghani, did not use their power, did not improve the political situation in Afghanistan, the author gives analytical conclusions of their negative impact on the development of political processes, this is mainly due to preserving their own selfish interests and benefits. The author, using an example of analysis of the activities of the president and his opponents in the elections, expressed his own expert assessment around the current political situation of the newly elected incumbent president Ashraf Gani Ahmadzai as a political person, highlighting his weaknesses and strengths and opponents. Keywords: the phenomenon of victory, political crisis, elections.

An Unexpected Journey

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Camille Bedock
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Fifth Republic ◽  
Electoral Calendar

Whereas the shortening of the presidential term was a long-debated, largely consensual, institutional topic in the story of the French Fifth Republic, the matter of the reordering of the electoral calendar was a circumstantial result of the dissolution and proved very divisive. The chapter shows how, paradoxically, two reforms that followed logically from one another in the minds of reformers, and emerged around the same time, followed hugely distinctive logics in terms of emergence and adoption, were separated sequentially, and were supported by different coalitions each time. This is the case because the reforms were perceived as having different natures: a consensual reform for the five-year term, a divisive reform for the reordering of the calendar. Whereas the quinquennat was debated and adopted through a supermajoritarian process involving deliberation among the vast majority of the political elites, the reordering of the calendar followed a purely majoritarian logic.

Remedying Diploma Democracy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Implicit Bias ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Political Skills ◽  
Compulsory Voting ◽  
European Unification ◽  
Nationalist Parties

How can we remedy some of the negative effects of diploma democracy? First, we discuss the rise of nationalist parties. They have forced the mainstream political parties to pay more attention to the negative effects of immigration, globalization, and European unification. Next we discuss strategies to mitigate the dominance of the well-educated in politics. We start with remedies that address differences in political skills and knowledge. Then we discuss the deliberative arenas. Many democratic reforms contain an implicit bias towards the well-educated. A more realistic citizenship model is required. This can be achieved by bringing the ballot back in, for example, by merging deliberative and more direct forms of democracy through deliberative polling, corrective referendums, and more compulsory voting. The chapter ends with a discussion of ways to make the political elites more inclusive and responsive, such as descriptive representation, sortition, and plebiscitary elements.

scholarly journals Anti-populism during the Yellow Vest protests: From combatting the Rassemblement National to dealing with street populists

2021 ◽  
pp. 136914812097401
Author(s):  
Soraya Hamdaoui
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Protest Movement ◽  
The One ◽  
Ordinary Citizens ◽  
Populist Party

This article analyses the anti-populist strategy of La République en marche! (LREM) during the Yellow Vest protests by comparing it with the one used against the Rassemblement National (RN), France’s main populist party. It argues that while the political elites of LREM have ostracised and strongly demonised the RN to contain its progression, their reaction to the populist protest movement was more balanced and cautious. As they were facing ordinary citizens asking for more fiscal justice and direct democracy rather than radical right politicians of the RN, LREM behaved in a more conciliatory way and softened their rhetoric of demonisation. Overall, the article distinguishes two types of anti-populism: an adversarial one to face a populist party and an accommodative one to deal with a populist social movement.

scholarly journals Returning urban political elites to the research agenda: the case of the Southern Low Countries (c. 1350 – c. 1550)

Urban History ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 568-588
Author(s):  
Frederik Buylaert ◽  
Jelten Baguet ◽  
Janna Everaert
Keyword(s):  
Special Section ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
High Turnover ◽  
Low Countries ◽  
Late Medieval ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of

AbstractThis article provides a comparative analysis of four large towns in the Southern Low Countries between c. 1350 and c. 1550. Combining the data on Ghent, Bruges and Antwerp – each of which is discussed in greater detail in the articles in this special section – with recent research on Bruges, the authors argue against the historiographical trend in which the political history of late medieval towns is supposedly dominated by a trend towards oligarchy. Rather than a closure of the ruling class, the four towns show a high turnover in the social composition of the political elite, and a consistent trend towards aristocracy, in which an increasingly large number of aldermen enjoyed noble status. The intensity of these trends differed from town to town, and was tied to different institutional configurations as well as different economic and political developments in each of the four towns.

scholarly journals Authoritarian Populism in Indonesia: The Role of the Political Campaign Industry in Engineering Consent and Coercion

2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342110278
Author(s):  
Inaya Rakhmani ◽  
Muninggar Sri Saraswati
Keyword(s):  
Social Inequalities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Young Voters ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
Authoritarian Populism ◽  
The People

All around the globe, populism has become increasingly prominent in democratic societies in the developed and developing world. Scholars have attributed this rise at a response to the systematic reproduction of social inequalities entwined with processes of neoliberal globalisation, within which all countries are inextricably and dynamically linked. However, to theorise populism properly, we must look at its manifestations in countries other than the West. By taking the case of Indonesia, the third largest democracy and the largest economy in Southeast Asia, this article critically analyses the role of the political campaign industry in mobilising narratives in electoral discourses. We use the Gramscian notion of consent and coercion, in which the shaping of populist narratives relies on mechanisms of persuasion using mass and social media. Such mechanisms allow the transformation of political discourses in conjunction with oligarchic power struggle. Within this struggle, political campaigners narrate the persona of political elites, while cyber armies divide and polarise, to manufacture allegiance and agitation among the majority of young voters as part of a shifting social base. As such, we argue that, together, the narratives – through engineering consent and coercion – construct authoritarian populism that pits two crowds of “the people” against each other, while aligning them with different sections of the “elite.”

The Political Economy of Aid Allocation in Africa: Evidence from Zambia

2018 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Takaaki Masaki
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Geographical Distribution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Development Projects ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Limited Information ◽  
Aid Allocation ◽  
Electoral Incentives ◽  
Swing Voters

Abstract:This article utilizes a newly available dataset on the geographical distribution of development projects in Zambia to test whether electoral incentives shape aid allocation at the subnational level. Based on this dataset, it argues that when political elites have limited information to target distributive goods specifically to swing voters, they allocate more donor projects to districts where opposition to the incumbent is strong, as opposed to districts where the incumbent enjoys greater popularity.

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