scholarly journals Not So Beautiful Life: A Study on the Treatment of Black humour in Life is Beautiful

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-133
Author(s):  
Rishad V

The Holocaust is one of the most tragic events ever happened in the human history. It was a systematic, bureaucratic and state sponsored persecution and murder of around six million Jews by the Nazi regime and its collaborators. Our memory of Holocaust, especially of the people belonging to this generation has been shaped more by popular representations, especially in films. The film Life is Beautiful directed by Robert Benigni portrayed the horror of Holocaust connotatively using black humour as its main medium. A short analysis of how Benigni uses black humour and other visual-cinema techniques in bringing out the terror of Holocaust among audience is studied in this article. Though the movie seems to fall under the genre comedy, it discusses connotatively the serious issues related to the life of Jews under Nazi regime without any use of violent images or scenes that reflect the real terrors of Holocaust.

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Nomensen Freddy Siahaan

After a long time was not heard to the public area, lately death penalty toward the criminal cases that classified as extraordinary crime are appear. The author discovers electronic article about the execution of the death penalty which is the prosecutor prepares to execute death penalty toward the drugs dealer. The president of Republic of Indonesia stated that it is necessary to give a deterrent effect to the convicted  criminal and keep the morality of Indonesian teenagers. According to my opinion, the author argues that it will be better and wiser if we discuss about renovating all of the Penitentiary in Indonesia than debating whether death penalty could be done in Indonesia or not, because it will be displeasure many parties, death penalty infringed the human rights of the convicted criminals and cause psychological burden to them, families, the executor of the death penalty, and other parties. Because if we have to improve the quality of the Penitentiary, if the function of Penitentiary for fostering moralily has been optimal or properly enough to the convicted criminals, Indonesia will be no longer need the death penalty option as sanction to the convicted crimanals including for the extraordinary crime (especially for drugs trafficking in our country). Penitentiary is one of the public services which aims for fostering the people that initially have bad habits (commited to the crime), so that they will have the awareness to change their bad attitude into the be better ones, will not harm others, and positively contributed to the society. Already Penitentiary’s conditions should be designed in such a way and as good as possible, so that the inmates feels like at their own home (like having a second home after his own home), and feel humaner to spend their days in the Penitentiary. The author believes that if the Penitentiary has been improved and optimized its function well, then the real purpose of Penitentiary will definitely achieved. As stated in Law Number 12 Year 1995 regarding to Penitentiary Article 2 which states "sanction system are organized in order to fostering the convicted criminals in order to be the real man, aware of their fault, improve themselves, and not to repeat the criminal act so that they can be friendly received by the community, can actively participated in the development of our country, and can socialize themselves as good citizen."Article 3 on this regulation also intensifies the function of Penitentiary "the function of Penitentiary is to prepare convicted criminals to be able to properly integrated to the society, so they can be accepted again as members of the public who are free and responsible ones." 


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 345-350
Author(s):  
Ali Hajro

The Current and future leaders live in a turbulent and chaotic environment, where the real power of acting derives from the recognition of the concept of change and looking for options. In this type of environment a lot of competence is necessary for the leaders to survive. The aim of this study case was to explore i.e. gain a clearer picture of the position of the leader, their characteristics, functions, levels, the core and the factors affecting the leader and their leadership. To see what type of leader the people want simply to draw conclusions about the characteristics, qualities and techniques of a leader and their leadership. So that in the end, to have empirical proof of the leader. The set goal in this study case is today’s leaders in everyday process, starting from the very beginning of their work, to serve as an example in developing inter-personal skills at the same time as treating people with dignity and respect. In other words, they have to possess leadership skills, characteristics and the necessary actions. This research aims at finding out the real attributes that is the profile of a leader and their leadership running an organization regardless if it is economic, political, and military or some other non-governmental organization. The values are more than a set of rules, they are not only behavior code, and they say what a leader should be every day in every action that they take. The values shade the leaders’ identity and the organization that they run.


Der Staat ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-396
Author(s):  
Shu-Perng Hwang

Angesichts des markanten Aufstiegs des Rechtspopulismus in den vergangenen Jahren drängt sich die Frage immer wieder auf, ob oder inwiefern das Parlament den eigentlichen Volkswillen (noch) vertreten kann, und wie im Zeitalter der Globalisierung und Digitalisierung der eigentliche Volkswille überhaupt festzustellen und effektiv durchzusetzen ist. In dieser Hinsicht steht das Vertrauen in die Fähigkeit des Parlaments, den wahren Volkswillen herauszubilden und zu artikulieren, erneut vor großen Herausforderungen. Durch eine vergleichende Analyse zwischen den Demokratietheorien Böckenfördes und Kelsens zeigt der vorliegende Beitrag, weshalb und inwiefern das weitverbreitete Verständnis des Volkswillens und dessen Rolle in der parlamentarischen Demokratie gerade vor dem heutigen Hintergrund eine kritische Besinnung verdient. Es wird argumentiert, dass gerade in demokratischer Hinsicht nicht die Suche nach dem „wahren Volkswillen“, sondern nach wie vor die Gewährleistung der Menschen- bzw. Grundrechte der Einzelnen und insbesondere der Minderheiten von zentraler Bedeutung sein soll. In view of the spread of right-wing populism in recent years, the question as to how the will of the people is to be ascertained and expressed has attracted much attention in constitutional scholarship. In particular, the issue of whether or to what extent the parliament is (still) capable of representing and demonstrating the will of the people has been repeatedly discussed and debated. Through a comparative analysis of Böckenförde’s und Kelsen’s democratic theories, this article critically examines the problems of the widespread understanding of the will of the people as a real-empirical existence and its significance for the realization of democracy. Accordingly, it points out why and in what sense the reference to the so-called real will of the people would undermine rather than promote democracy. This article concludes by arguing that, precisely for the sake of democracy, what is crucial is not to determine what the “real will of the people” is, but rather to guarantee the freedom of the individual and especially of the minorities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 551-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Wodak

Abstract In this paper, I discuss the attempt by all right-wing populist parties to create, on the one hand, the ‘real’ and ‘true’ people; and on the other, the ‘élites’ or ‘the establishment’ who are excluded from the true demos. Such divisions, as will be elaborated in detail, have emerged in many societies over centuries and decades. A brief example of the arbitrary construction of opposing groups illustrates the intricacies of such populist reasoning. Furthermore, I pose the question why such divisions resonate so well in many countries? I argue that – apart from a politics of fear (Wodak 2015) – much resentment is evoked which could be viewed as both accompanying as well as a reaction to the disenchantment with politics and the growing inequalities in globalized capitalist societies.


Zograf ◽  
2015 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Olga Spehar

Explanation of the purpose of early Christian martyria as places of collective memory is a complex of many different circumstances and meanings and must be observed in accordance. First of all, martyria are architectural monuments dedicated to the martyrs, historical evidences of the martyrial death of those who suffered for Christ - this is a simple explanation of their real meaning. Yet, their social role is even more important than their historical role - martyria continuously transferred an idea of Salvation among the people, becoming thus the places of collective memory. But what happen when the martyr?s relics are ?usurped? by one wealthy family? This paper aim to shed some light on what could have been the real purpose of one such example, the martyrium attached to the basilica on the necropolis in Jagodin Mala in Naissus (modern Nis).


2008 ◽  
Vol 14 (32) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Federico Casalegno

The following article discusses the “real” communication and the question of “pure” information. In this paper the effective communication is based on a complex exchange of different kinds of messages, both verbal and non-verbal, which include information conveyed by posture, gestures, intonation, facial expression, and so on. Moreover, interlocutors do not only exchange messages with strategic information and structured data; they also exchange free content messages which are extremely important for the interaction and the relationship between the people involved environments.


2017 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Eric Millard

Résumé: Cet article discute la utilisation du nom peuple dans les discours politiques et dans les textes normatifs, mise en question à quel point dans l'imaginaire collectif des démocraties occidentales (au moins) et dans la construction de cet imaginaire par le droit, le fonctionnement du droit, la légitimité de l'autorité politique, et l'idée de peuple sont liés. Réfléchie sûr la question de la mise en exergue du peuple transcende maintes oppositions idéologiques, et s’accommode de toutes les justifications, même les plus inacceptables. Dit que le peuple ne signifie rien de réel. Nommer qu'il existe un peuple, et déduire que l'Etat dont la constitution nomme est l'Etat d'un peuple, c'est fondre les différences réelles dans un collectif unitaire, et c'est ainsi nier toutes différences. Il y a dans le recours au peuple une dimension holistique qui participe efficacement de ce juridisme formel.Resumo: O presente artigo discute a utilização do nome do povo nos discursos políticos e textos normativos pondo em questão a que ponto no imaginário coletivo das democracias ocidentais e na construção desse imaginário pelo direito, o funcionamento do direito, a legitimidade da autoridade política e a ideia de povo estão ligadas. Reflete sobre o fato de que a colocação em evidência do povo transcende várias oposições ideológicas e se adapta a todas as justificações, mesmo as mais inaceitáveis. Afirma que povo em realidade não diz nada. Conclui que nomear um povo e deduzir que o Estado cuja constituição nomina é o Estado de um povo, é fundir as diferenças reais num coletivo unitário e negar as diferenças. Há no recurso ao povo uma dimensão holística que participa eficazmente do juridicísmo formal.Abstract: This article discusses the use of people’s name in political speeches and normative texts, calling into question to what extent in the collective imaginary of western democracies and in the construction of this imaginary by law, the functioning of law, the legitimacy of political authority and the idea of people are all linked. It reflects on the fact that the evidence of people transcends various ideological oppositions and adapts to all justifications, even the most unnaceptable ones. It also affirms that people do not really say anything. In the end, it concludes that to name some people and to deduce that the State which the constitution nominates as the state of the people, is to merge the real differences into a unitary collective and deny the differences. In the use of the people, there is a holistic dimension that effectively participates in formal juridicism. 


The report's main objective is to comply with the different marketing theories prevailing in the marketplace and gain a proper understanding of the real market. Different functions and strategies were discussed and discussed with the help of the ITC Sunfeast in terms of policies and path they followed since they were a successful player in the market. Customer intuition is examined in order to gain an understanding of their different needs, expectations and collection of minds. This is achieved by interviewing people in different ways so that their purchasing trend can be glimpsed. The people interviewed were from various locations in the district of thiruvallur.


1992 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 369-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Dawson

AbstractThe real significance ofthe Representation of the People Act, 1918, for the Liberal and Labour parties lay in its mundane and little discussed financial provisions, not in its extension of the franchise. Despite the electoral reforms of 1883–5, election contests before 1914 were still expensive enough effectively to exclude the Labour party from politics outside the industrial centres. In 1918 the politicians of the older parties took the opportunity to relieve their pockets of a substantial part of the expense of elections. However, Labour was the main beneficiary: its new strategy of contesting seats nationwide was only made possible by the changes in and underlying the Fourth Reform Act. These changes, in turn, enabled Labour to benefit from being a ‘national’ party and ‘alternative government’, during a period when the established leading ‘progressive’ party was divided and weakened. The Fourth Reform Act also assisted Labour's strategy of eliminating the Liberal party as a parliamentary force: Liberals could be denied election victories in the countryside and the suburbs by hopeless but inexpensive Labour interventions.


Author(s):  
Geoff Mulgan

This chapter aims to provide tools for thinking about capitalism as a system in motion, rather than one which, in its fundamentals, has come to a stop. Capitalism at its best rewards creators, makers, and providers: the people and firms that create valuable things for others, like imaginative technologies and good food, cars and healthcare which, at their best, delight and satisfy. Its moral claim is to provide an alternative to the predatory, locust-like tendencies of states and feudal rulers. It rewards the people who work hard and innovate, the human equivalents of industrious bees, and by doing so makes everyone better off, more than any other economic system in human history.


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