Recovering the Roots of Civil Society in Nepal1

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-74
Author(s):  
Dev Raj Dahal

This paper is an essay about civic values or ‘virtues’, and the need for civic education in contemporary Nepal. It makes an argument for ‘recovering the roots of civil society inNepal’, which the author locates first and foremost in Hindu philosophy. This is necessary as, in its current form, mainstream or ‘elite’ civil society has lost touch with democratic values and the sense of social responsibility that the author refers to as ‘niskam karma’. Divided along political party lines and moved by the pursuit of profit and self-promotion, ‘elite’ civil society has hampered rather than facilitated, progress towards the creation of a modern state in Nepal. Civic education programmes grounded in age-old philosophical traditions in Nepal has the potential to transform current political culture and go some way towards resolving many of Nepal’s present ills.

2012 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 785-805 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANNELIEN de DIJN

ABSTRACTAccording to the textbook version of history, the Enlightenment played a crucial role in the creation of the modern, liberal democracies of the West. Ever since this view – which we might describe as the modernization thesis – was first formulated by Peter Gay, it has been repeatedly criticized as misguided: a myth. Yet, as this paper shows, it continues to survive in postwar historiography, in particular in the Anglophone world. Indeed, Gay's most important and influential successors – historians such as Robert Darnton and Roy Porter – all ended up defending the idea that the Enlightenment was a major force in the creation of modern democratic values and institutions. More recently, Jonathan Israel's trilogy on the Enlightenment has revived the modernization thesis, albeit in a dramatic new form. Yet, even Israel's work, as its critical reception highlights, does not convincingly demonstrate that the Enlightenment, as an intellectual movement, contributed in any meaningful way to the creation of modern political culture. This conclusion raises a new question: if the Enlightenment did not create our modern democracies, then what did it do? In answer to that question, this paper suggests that we should take more seriously the writings of enlightened monarchists like Nicolas-Antoine Boulanger. Studying the Enlightenment might not allow us to understand why democratic political culture came into being. But, as Boulanger's work underscores, it might throw light on an equally important problem: why democracy came so late in the day.


Sociologija ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 213-222
Author(s):  
Zolt Lazar

The article considers the importance which freemason lodges had in the construction of new political culture in 18th century, on the ground of English political practice and French enlightenment. Attention is also focused on the main reasons why masonry didn't succeeded in holding that direction, that is, why it wasn't more than a simple transmission of aspiration for the creation of political institutions of the civil society.


2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-96
Author(s):  
Khadga K.C.

Unless Bangladesh will find credible means to change the political culture within which it function, the viability of democracy will remain doubtful. Though it is about four decades of independence, the history of democracy isn’t worth to value its principles in its actual practice. Bangladesh’s democracy is distorted by the malpractices of political power by her politicians. The quality of democracy in the country has been jeopardized by the immature practices and attitudes by its political party, in or out of power. In fact, the democracy in Bangladesh is deprived within/by the practice of democracy itself. Consequently, democracy becomes fragile and cannot run smoothly with its own spirit. It is now widely accepted that Bangladesh is facing a crisis of governance which originates in malfunctioning of the democratic process. The qualitative deterioration of governance leads to raise lack of concern in pursuing democratic values in practice. The people of this country cannot extract favors from democracy rather their interests become somewhat distorted. In this way the steady failure to get better governance could threaten the sustainability of practicing democracy in Bangladesh repeatedly.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Alim Roswantoro

Civic Values dewasa ini telah menggejala di berbagai negara suatu cita-cita sosialyang dikemas dalam bentuk pendidikan kewargaan atau civic education yang memilikiarti yang sangat penting dan strategis bagi kelangsungan kehidupan berbangsa danbernegara. Jika dianalisis dari paradigma kultur mana kedua masyarakat itu lahirdan tumbuh, perbedaan asasiah antara Masyarakat Madani dan civil society akantampak. Jika kembali kepada kultur para filosof sosial Barat abad ketujuh belas dimana wacana civil society itu mulai digulirkan, maka civil society di Barat lahirsebagai buah modernitas yang mengambil akarnya pada gerakan budaya Renaissance.Budaya ini merupakan gerakan yang memarginalkan gagasan tentang Tuhan.Buah masyarakat dari gerakan budaya semacam ini adalah masyarakat sekuler,yang menurut Clavel, di dalamnya posisi Tuhan telah menjadi gagasan yang tertindassejak lebih dari tiga abad yang lalu.


PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rudi Salam Sinaga

Bureaucratic reform requires the creation of good governance, namely the process of interaction between state institutions to the community derived from elements of civil society in order to perform the construction and establishment of good governance. In the practice to achieve Good Governance found "stagnation" due to the political culture of the organization and not show his support for a succession of bureaucratic reform. This study will look at organizational culture and political relations to the establishment of Good Governance in Indonesia. The method used is descriptive evaluative with the type of qualitative research. The results showed that organizational culture and politics play a major role in the"stagnant" succession of reforms would require strong leadership and visionary in order to oversee the achievement of a succession of bureaucratic reform in Indonesia.


1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 312-328
Author(s):  
Luthfiyah Luthfiyah

The crisis of nation is caused by the crisis of inner self and moral degradations, that politic which must be oriented to safety people, but show emphasizing to individual or group orientation finally the politic, which must have service character precisely dominated and patronage character. So, it is significant to develop cognition, affection, and psicomotoric componens on a simultant scale through education. However education has antisipatoris and preparatoris characters. The identification of democaration values and provide a model through civic education will be concrete the fundamental function of education in effort to create the humanis people and shaped unresistant education to reality. So, education can cange political culture.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Scott Travanion Connors

Abstract This article explores the emergence of reformist sentiment and political culture in Madras in the mid-nineteenth century. Moreover, it contributes to, and expands upon, the growing body of literature on colonial petitioning through a case-study of a mass petition demanding education reform. Signed in 1839 by 70,000 subjects from across the Madras presidency, the petition demanded the creation of a university that would qualify western-educated Indians to gain employment in the high public offices of the East India Company. Through an analysis of the lifecycle of this education petition, from its creation to its reception and the subsequent adoption of its demands by the Company government at Fort St George, this article charts the process by which an emergent, politicized public engaged with, and critiqued, the colonial state. Finally, it examines the transformative effect that the practice of mass petitioning had on established modes of political activism and communication between an authoritarian colonial state and the society it governed.


Author(s):  
Андрей Владимирович Кулаков ◽  
Ольга Рениславовна Родионова

В настоящее время создание безопасных условий исполнения и отбывания уголовного наказания в виде лишения свободы, укрепление защищенности сотрудников пенитенциарных учреждений от возможных угроз и опасных посягательств является одной из актуальных задач, стоящих перед уголовно-исполнительной системой. Данная ситуация сложилась в результате современной государственной политики в сфере противодействия преступности, а именно гуманизации наказания, что привело к изменению количественного и качественного состава осужденных, отбывающих наказание в местах лишения свободы, и осложнило оперативную обстановку. В статье отмечается, что несмотря на незначительное количество действий, дезорганизующих работу исправительного учреждения, в структуре пенитенциарной преступности, данные деликты имеют повышенную общественную опасность, так как совершаются в период отбывания наказания, и высокую латентность в силу как объекта (основного, дополнительного и факультативного), так и способа посягательства. Признавая криминологические данные основой для выработки мер противодействия преступности, в том числе пенитенциарной, авторы исследуют показатели одного из видов преступлений, совершаемых в исправительных колониях, - дезорганизация деятельности учреждений, обеспечивающих изоляцию от общества, а также личность преступника. Проведенное исследование позволило дать криминологическую характеристику преступлений, направленных на дезорганизацию деятельности учреждений, обеспечивающих изоляцию от общества, в частности, исправительных учреждений, а также определить особенности личности осужденных, их совершающих. Результаты исследования могут быть использованы при разработке теории преступного поведения и личности преступника, в частности, пенитенциарного. Currently, the creation of safe conditions for the execution and serving of criminal sentences in the form of deprivation of liberty, strengthening the protection of prison staff from possible threats and dangerous attacks is one of the urgent tasks facing the penal system. This situation has developed as a result of modern state policy in the field of combating crime, namely, the humanization of punishment, which has led to a change in the quantitative and qualitative composition of convicts serving sentences in places of deprivation of liberty, and has complicated the operational situation. The article notes that despite the small number of actions that disorganize the work of a correctional institution, in the structure of penitentiary crime, these torts have an increased public danger, since they are committed during the period of serving a sentence, and high latency due to both the object (both the main and optional) and the method of encroachment. Recognizing criminological data as the basis for developing measures to counteract crime, including penitentiary, the authors study indicators of one of the types of crimes committed in correctional colonies - disorganization of institutions that provide isolation from society, as well as the identity of the criminal. The research made it possible to give criminological characteristics of crimes aimed at disorganizing the activities of institutions that provide isolation from society, in particular correctional institutions, as well as to determine the personality of the convicted person who commits them.The results of the study can be used in the development of a General theory of criminal behavior and the personality of the criminal, and the penitentiary in particular.


2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 79-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Delia Lin

This paper compares the conception of justice grounded on the liberal political thought and the Chinese notion of justice deeply rooted in Confucian and Legalist theories from the standpoint of the political culture they each supports. It argues that whereas the former supports the liberal culture marked by the plurality of reasonable doctrines and by seeing persons as free and equal, the latter supports an authoritarian culture based on a dogmatic, comprehensive moral doctrine. Such cultural differences have made it difficult for the Chinese elite holding a Confucian view to negotiate and appreciate the political conception of justice as fairness. This paper suggests that it is important for a modern state to formulate philosophies that accommodate the plurality of diverse and often incompatible doctrines and also to think about justice in procedural terms. For China to achieve this requires a change of political culture.


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