scholarly journals India's Third Gender and Visual Politics

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-96
Author(s):  
Sami Siva

Despite the Government of India’s official recognition of “third gender” in 2014, the right to gender self-determination remains contested. Over one million transgender women in the country face discrimination and continue to live on the fringes of society. Discrimination and stigma force them to resort to prostitution, begging on city streets, and performing at village festivals. While transgender women are venerated during religious rituals and festivals, they are excluded from employment and higher education. This article outlines the cultural and social conditions facing the trans community in India, as well as the illiberal attitudes of society toward it, through the prism of visual analysis.

1962 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 404-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
René Lemarchand

Not the least paradoxical aspect of the United Nations mandate in the Congo, as described in the three-power resolution adopted by the Security Council on November 24, 1961, is that it was designed to prevent the exercise of a right which is explicitly recognized by the Charter. In effect, by “completely rejecting the claim of the Katanga as a sovereign independent Nation” and “recognizing the government of the Republic of the Congo as exclusively responsible for the conduct of the external affairs of the Congo,” the authors of the resolution clearly denied the provincial authorities of the Katanga the right to self-determination. Similarly, the support given by the United States government to the resolution, reaffirmed in several official statements, seems hardly compatible with our long-standing moral commitment to the Wilsonian principle that “the small states of the world have a right to enjoy the same respect for their sovereignty and territorial integrity that the great and powerful states expect and insist upon.” Actually, what may at first sight appear to be a sign of inconsistency is rather a reflection of the fundamental ambiguity in the concept of self-determination.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-383
Author(s):  
Tilahun Weldie Hindeya

AbstractSince 2008 the Ethiopian government has allocated vast tracts of land, particularly in the Gambella and Benishangul-Gumuz regions, to agricultural commercial actors with little or no participation from indigenous communities. The marginalization of indigenous peoples in this process primarily emerges from the government's very wide legislative discretionary power regarding decision-making in the exploitation of land. The government has invoked constitutional clauses relating to land ownership and its power to deploy land resources for the “common benefit” of the people, to assert the consistency of this discretionary power with the Ethiopian Constitution. This article posits that the legislative and practical measures taken by the government that marginalize these indigenous peoples in decisions affecting the utilization of land resources are incompatible with their constitutional right to self-determination. Further, it posits that the government's use of the constitution to justify its wide discretionary power in the decision-making process relating to land exploitation is based on a misreading of the constitution.


ICR Journal ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-155
Author(s):  
Datu Michael O. Mastura

This article adopts the general theme of governance to provide an institutional framework for law reform and constitutional regime. To look into the political culture and religion of Filipinos is to ask why there is much reliance on law with an internal dynamics of hostility to all things religious in public life. The author employs the democracy argument to raise asymmetrical issues in a constitutional regime within the context of ‘the national state’ rather than problematise it as a majority versus minority relation. This makes it possible, for instance, to consider the Bangsamoro in the Philippines as a ‘people’ in legal terms and in reference to ‘state-nations’ instead of ‘nation-states’. The author also treats the dimension of international law regarding the right to self-determination with respect to the current peace negotiations between the government of the Philippines and armed non-state actors (MILF and MNLF). One might not necessarily agree with all that is stated in this contribution, which is intended to be an essay rather than a scholarly paper, but, nevertheless, it grants some insights into the mindset of contemporary Muslims in the Philippines.


Author(s):  
Harison Citrawan

<p>Regulasi otonomi khusus di Papua mengindikasikan bahwa sistem pengelolaan sumber daya alam di Papua pada prinsipnya terbuka bagi publik, bukan hanya nasional namun juga internasional; tergantung pada pihak mana yang mampu menyajikan efisiensi dalam kompetisi pengelolaan. Persoalan muncul ketika regulasi yang berlaku tersebut belum mampu secara maksimal dioperasionalkan oleh pemerintah dalam meningkatkan taraf hidup masyarakat di Papua. Di lain pihak, situasi keamanan yang sangat rentan di daerah pegunungan Papua kerap menjadi kendala dalam optimalisasi perlindungan hak asasi manusia di Papua. Hal tersebut diperburuk dengan stigma negatif pelaksanaan hak menentukan nasib sendiri di Papua yang seringkali diasosiasikan dengan pemisahan diri dari teritori Republik Indonesia. Tulisan ini mengangkat permasalahan utama yakni hubungan antara artikulasi pemegang hak menentukan nasib sendiri, dengan regulasi pengelolaan masyarakat hukum adat atas sumber daya alam dalam konteks otonomi khusus di Papua. Dalam menganalisis data kualitatif yang dikumpulkan, penulis menggunakan pendekatan hak asasi manusia, khususnya hak menentukan nasib sendiri, terhadap regulasi dan fenomena konflik agraria yang terjadi di Papua. Analisis dengan pendekatan ini akan mencoba menggambarkan hubungan antara pemegang hak dengan pemangku kewajiban dalam konsep hukum hak asasi manusia. Adapun penulis menyimpulkan bahwa kegagalan pemerintah dalam mengakomodasi eksklusivitas hak masyarakat adat Papua berawal dari keruwetan dalam mengejawantahkan hak menentukan nasib sendiri masyarakat Papua ke dalam bentuk regulasi, mulai dari undang-undang sampai pada peraturan daerah khusus. Fakta tentang konflik sosial di sektor agraria dan sumber daya alam yang marak terjadi di Papua merupakan indikasi awal, bahwa diperlukan sebuah reposisi tentang pengaturan hak masyarakat adat dalam pengelolaan agraria dan sumber daya alam.</p><p>Special autonomy regulation in Papua indicates us that natural resources management at the area is in principle open for public both nationally and internationally, depending on which party is capable in providing an efficient management. The problems occurred when such regulations has yet to be operated by the government in enhancing locals living. On the other hand, a very vulnerable security situation around the mountainous area seems to hinder the optimal protection of people’s right in Papua. These conditions were exacerbated by negative stigma of the exercise of the right to self- determination in Papua, which mostly associated with seccession from the Republic. This article attempts to describe the relation between the articulations of right to self-determination holders andthe regulations regarding local management on natural resources in the context of special autonomy. The present author concludes that the failure in acommodating the exclusive right of the Papuans was caused by the complication in translating right to self-determination of the Papuans into regulations, from undang-undang (acts) up to peraturan daerah khusus (special autonomy bylaws). The fact of rampant social conflicts in agrarian and natural resources field is an initial indication that there is a need in repositioning the law regulatiing people’s right to manage their own agrarian and natural resources.</p>


Author(s):  
Md. Ashraful Goni ◽  
Mehnaz Hoque

Hijra is a term given to the intersex, hermaphrodite and, transgender people who are part of the Hijra community in Bangladesh. In 2013 Bangladesh government gave the official recognition of Hijras as a third gender community. But the society still thing Hijras are aliens they are not supposed to live in society and have a life. Though Hijras have official recognition of their sexual identity they are far away to get social recognition. Education is a basic need for every single person in the world, and education is the best medium of communication to construct the social identity of a person. According to Bangladesh, education policy education is for all. Hijras are also included in the term ‘all.’ Though they have all the right of being a citizen of the people republic of Bangladesh, we never seen a Hijra in school, college, or any other educational institution. Using a qualitative analysis, this study will focus on why Hijras are not participating in the mainstream education system of Bangladesh though they have official recognition as a third gender community. This paper will also focus on the role of society in making this decimation in the education system.


2021 ◽  
pp. 328-342
Author(s):  
E. G. Vartanyan

The period of the struggle of South (Iraqi) Kurdistan for self-determination, namely such events as its transformation into the center of the Kurdish national movement in the Middle East and the proclamation of the Kurdish Autonomous Region (KAR) in 1974 is considered. The creation of a legal precedent, which has acquired an international character, is commented on. The recognition by the Iraqi government of the right of the Kurds to territorial autonomy is assessed as an undoubted success of the national movement of the Kurdish minority. It is noted that the development of the draft of Interim Constitution was preceded by a long discussion between Shiite Arabs, Sunni Arabs and Kurds on the future administrative structure of the country. It is shown that the Baathist regime was not going to solve the Kurdish problem in the country on a truly democratic basis, but only created the appearance of a solution to the issue in order to remove internal and international tensions. The author dwells on the repressive measures of the government of Saddam Hussein against the Kurds. The mass character of repressive measures during the Iranian-Iraqi war of 1980—1988 is emphasized.


Author(s):  
W. A. J. Munier

AbstractOn the 18th of March 1656 the States General issued the Marriage Regulation Act for all the territories which were placed under the immediate authority of the Right Honourable Lords in the Hague. To these also belonged the Lands of Overmaas even though the sovereignty over these territories was not quite clear. Other relevant questions would be settled in the Partage Treaty of 1661(3). Nevertheless the Marriage Regulation Act was enforced in all the places where the States General had a say from 1656 onwards. But in Vaals the Act could only be promulgated in 1663. The aim of the Marriage Regulation Act was to control marriage and marital life of all its citizens in every detail of life. This was especially true of the contract itself. Roman Catholic priests were rigorously forbidden to interfere. Official recognition, also of Roman Catholic marriages, was made conditional on the marriage contracted before the Ministers of the Reformed Church and the councils of the parishes concerned. But it was also made possible to contract a marriage before a civil authority called the court of aldermen. Going by the written documents of the time less use than was expected was made of this possibility. Of these civic contracts in the Lands of Overmaas separate registers have been kept of Margraten and Vaals only. In this article an investigation is made on the part both authorities have played in the marriage contract of the Roman Catholic citizens in both places. It covers the period of 1656-1795. In the latter year the French Republicans made an end to the Government of the States General in the Lands of Overmaas.


Crisis ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrée Fortin ◽  
Sylvie Lapierre ◽  
Jacques Baillargeon ◽  
Réal Labelle ◽  
Micheline Dubé ◽  
...  

The right to self-determination is central to the current debate on rational suicide in old age. The goal of this exploratory study was to assess the presence of self-determination in suicidal institutionalized elderly persons. Eleven elderly persons with serious suicidal ideations were matched according to age, sex, and civil status with 11 nonsuicidal persons. The results indicated that suicidal persons did not differ from nonsuicidal persons in level of self-determination. There was, however, a significant difference between groups on the social subscale. Suicidal elderly persons did not seem to take others into account when making a decision or taking action. The results are discussed from a suicide-prevention perspective.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


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