Dormant Bilingualism in Neoliberal America

Author(s):  
Jeehyun Lim

Chapter four examines the relationship between language and race in neoliberal America through the writings of Richard Rodriguez and Chang-rae Lee and the legal briefs contesting English-only policies. As literary accounts of post-civil rights assimilation, Richard Rodriguez’s memoirs and Chang-rae Lee’s novel, Native Speaker, reflect the social concerns on civic disunity that provoked English-only policies and induced a social climate of language covering. This chapter shows the rhetorical figure of analogy in both the legal briefs contesting English-only rules, where bilingual plaintiffs claim an analogy between language and race to seek legal protection, and in Rodriguez’s and Lee’s representations of dormant bilingualism. While the analogy between language and race mostly fails in the courtrooms, it is a productive rhetorical move for Rodriguez and Lee as they show that language is prone to be influenced by the same capitalist logic that commodifies race.

2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-259
Author(s):  
Aliaksandr Dalhouski

Aliaksandr Dalhouski Belarus after the Chernobyl Disaster: From Silence to Neglect The accident at Chernobyl was an anthropogenic disaster. In the period of the suppression of the disaster’s consequences (1986-1988), the Chernobyl accident was not perceived by the majority of Belarusians as a nation-wide tragedy. At the same time, those living in the Belorussian SSR did not possess civil rights, which prevented them from demanding compensation as a result of inflicted harm, and also they were denied full information about the impact of the disaster on the environment and human health. Such phenomena were a consequence of the state’s suppression of the disaster’s consequences as well as the weak ecological and legal consciousness of the victims in the BSSR. In the period of growing democracy (1989-1991), civic engagement came to the fore and created the perception of the catastrophe a nationwide tragedy. The protest movement forced the government to enact Chernobyl legal legislation. Within the framework of this legislation, massive resettlement was undertaken and a wide range of privileges were granted. With the emergence of an independent and authoritarian regime in the new state of Belarus in the early 1990s, the risks of radiation were downplayed by the social concerns of post-Soviet society, in which the Belarusian regime of President Alexander Lukashenko lessened the importance of the Chernobyl catastrophe.


1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 799-816 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. H. Somjee

The relationship between the traditional social organization of India, based on the principle of hierarchy, and the newly introduced democratic institutions and procedures, based on the principle of equality, has been a subject of diverse interpretations. The more significant of these interpretations are that the social organization has subsumed the new political system, and that the various units of social organization, namely, castes, have developed voluntary bodies or caste associations of their own in order to enter into an operative relationship with the new political system. The latter interpretation also implies that the democratic political socialization in India has been taking place by means of the caste associations. This study takes a hard look at such interpretations and points out that the internal cohesion of the social organization materially alters when it moves away from its primary social concerns—ritual, pollution, and endogamy—to nontraditional concerns. This change is reflected in the fact that highly fragmented decision-making processes of castes in nontraditional matters often lead to their substantial vote against candidates of their own castes. Such political differentiation within castes has occurred before the advent of certain caste associations, and in some cases despite them. These and other assertions are substantiated through data collected in a rural and an urban community where fieldwork designed to understand their political dynamics extended over a number of years.


Author(s):  
Michele Elam

The afterword argues that so-called neo-passing narratives distinctively highlight the performative dimension to racial formation and are, moreover, particularly attentive to the social and political consequences of race. This essay argues that the desire for passing to be a phenomenon of the past can be problematic in that it wills away the social insights afforded by cultural and literary narratives of passing in the post–Civil Rights era.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-62
Author(s):  
Robert C. Smith

This article analyzes the contribution of Ronald Walters to the development of white nationalism as a theory of white subjugation and domination of African Americans in the post–civil rights era. It also discusses why his work has been ignored by political science scholarship on the subject, and the relationship between white nationalism and white racism.


2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryant Simon

AbstractThis enthographically-based essay uses the case of Starbucks and the company's diversity policies and relationship with Magic Johnson to explore the desire for postracialism in post Civil Rights—post Martin Luther King, Jr. and post protest—mainstream America. Where did this desire come from and how did corporate America package this desire? What is the relationship between the selling of postracialism and voting for Barack Obama? What are the implications of these marketing moves? What do they tell us about business and about ourselves?


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 185
Author(s):  
Achmad Musyahid Idrus

Legal protection is a human right which is a basic need for every human being, both human beings as legal subjects and human beings as legal objects. As legal subjects, humans have civil rights that must be implemented in accordance with applicable legal provisions. Likewise with humans as legal objects, their rights must still be protected even though they have been convicted by law. Sometimes legal protection for humans cannot be realized because the source of the applicable law does not provide legal instruments and even the protection of the law does not materialize because of the lack of understanding of the source of the law which applies in society.Islamic law as one source of law and adopted in countries like Indonesia offers the conception of legal protection in accordance with the dignity and human rights, because of the flexibility of Islamic law, so that Islamic law can be understood and adjusted to the social development of the society. Islamic law that emphasizes public benefit guarantees the legal protection needed by the community, but the values of flexibility must still be explored from the main sources of the Qur'an and the hadith of the prophet.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
James M. Thomas ◽  
W. Carson Byrd

AbstractSince the early 1960s, there has been a movement among activists, scholars, and policymakers to redefine racism as a psychopathological condition, identifiable and treatable through psychotherapeutic and pharmacological interventions. This development reflects, and is reflected by, the popular framing among mass media and ordinary social actors of racism and racist events as individual pathology rather than as a social problem. This shifting perspective on racism, from a social problem and a system to an individual pathology, has increasingly become a part of academic and psychiatric discourse since Jim Crow. In this article, we have two aims: first, to trace the emergence of “psychopathological racism”; second, to illustrate the relationship between “psychopathological racism” and “colorblind racism” in the post-Civil Rights era. We argue that the psychopathological view of racism compliments colorblindness in that larger structural issues are dismissed in favor of individual pathos. Furthermore, psychopathological explanations for racism dismiss socio-political contexts, eschewing the contributions of well over fifty years of social scientific research in the process.


Humanities ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 136
Author(s):  
Rachel Watson

This essay considers Audre Lorde’s Zami: A New Spelling of My Name (1982) as an example of the neoliberal turn to memoir that both complicates and exemplifies important aspects of the relationship between literary form and ideological expressions of racial and sexual identity. By examining a hitherto un-noted omission from Lorde’s memoir, the death of Emmett Till, this essay illuminates the political significance behind Lorde’s choice to narrate Till’s death in the form of a poem while conspicuously omitting it from her prose memoir. Incorporating a broader selection of Lorde’s work, and comparative analysis with other poetic responses to Till’s death, this essay shows through this example how the intense personalization of an historical event can formalize the embodiment of an essentialized, and thus timeless, racial identity. As such, Lorde’s work demonstrates how literary form can both communicate and obscure paradoxical aspects of contemporary racial ideology by rationalizing the embodiment of racial difference in the post-Civil Rights world.


Author(s):  
Edward Orozco Flores

This chapter presents the concept of prophetic redemption—expanding the boundaries of democratic inclusion to facilitate the social integration of those furthest on the margins—in relation to the formerly incarcerated. It frames the two cases in this book—the Community Renewal Society’s FORCE project and the LA Voice/Homeboy Industries–affiliated Homeboys Local Organizing Committee—as examples of prophetic redemption. It presents the book’s argument: that faith-based community organizing (for and among the formerly incarcerated) fosters pastoral and insurgent displays of prophetic redemption; that personal reform is an essential component of prophetic redemption; and that prophetic redemption produces returning citizenship. It sketches the historical origins and development of prophetic redemption in twentieth-century America in relation to new abolitionism, the Chicago School of sociology, the rise of the punitive state, the rise of Alinsky-style community organizing, and the racial and religious diversification of post-civil-rights community organizing efforts. It ends with a description of the book’s subjects (former gang members and the formerly incarcerated), a summary of how the author built relationships with his subjects, and an overview of the book’s goals and aims.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document