scholarly journals WHAT HAS HAPPENED IN AKP YEARS IN TURKEY: THE CONDITION OF ISLAMISM, TURKISH ISLAM SYNTHESIS, AND ISLAMIST VIOLENCE

Author(s):  
Fatma Sündal

AKP (Justice and Development Party) can be accepted as the last and most powerful representative of Islamism in Turkey. The party came to power alone, after the general elections in 2002 and in 2007. Within its fi rst period of power, AKP claimed divergence from its extreme Islamist views and it gained trust among the majority of intellectuals. Furthermore, some socialist and liberal intellectuals supported most claims of AKP, in its fi rst period of power. In the second period, AKP’s discourse began to have references to şeria law, more frequently; and fi nally, it lost the support of liberals and socialists. We witnessed some important and mysterious assassinations in the years 2006 and 2007 before the 2007 elections; and pre-elections period of 2007 was characterised by legal issues, which put AKP in a ‘suff ering’ position, once more. This essay is an eff ort in re-evaluating the tension between Islamism and laicism and some political issues of AKP years of Turkey, including four chosen acts of violence against laicite defenders or non-Muslims.

Author(s):  
Wiradhyaksa Mochamad Hariadi Putra ◽  

Money politics is directly related to corruption crime since it has an element of bribery that can harm state finances if the doer occupies his political office. Money politics occurs during political campaigns until general elections day. Indonesian electoral law or regulation have not included money politics in corruption crime. This research examined and deeply discussed how the formulation of money politics crime in current election, what are the legal issues in election crimes, and how the reformulation of money politics in electoral law as a corruption criminal act. This study used a normative-juridicial research method. Based on this research results, it is known that the formulation of money politics crime in current election can only be interpreted implicitly. Legal issues in election crimes are still rampant today as exemplified by the author through political crime cases in regional and legislative elections. The reformulation can be carried out by including a corruption clause as special offense in electoral law.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-84
Author(s):  
Smitana Saikia

The remotely located and relatively marginalized states of northeast India have historically been a Congress bastion, despite posing continued challenges to the nation-building project through many insurgency movements. The success of the grand old party depended on creating ‘umbrella coalitions’ with diverse ethnic groups to sustain power. However, since General elections 2014, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has successfully challenged the dominance of Congress, particularly in the state of Assam. In this context, this paper seeks to discuss recent shifts in electoral dynamics in Assam and its implication for a region hitherto considered peripheral. The paper situates the BJP’s emergence as the new locus of power in the long-term processes of party politics in Assam and discusses the resultant shifts in social alignments, cleavages and political issues in the multi-ethnic landscape of the state. It also explores the role of the RSS in negotiating its larger ideological interests with local political realities of the state and its ability to appropriate local cultural symbols. The paper concludes that the unprecedented rise of the BJP, which is a result of the changing political opportunity structures in Assam, will nevertheless be tested severely due to the state’s multi-ethnic character and complex, localized social fault lines.


2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Gomez ◽  
Rusdi Omar

This paper discusses voter mobilisation and other election-related activities of Malaysian voters living, studying and working in Singapore in the context of Malaysia's 13th general election (GE13). According to the World Bank, nearly 400,000 Malaysians reside in the city-state. Thus these figures represent a significant Malaysian voter pool based in Singapore. Efforts to mobilise these voters for general elections or other causes have political implications for both countries, which became apparent following Singapore-based Malaysians’ activities to encourage Malaysians to return home to cast their votes during the 13th general election. Singapore's strict public assembly laws led to several legal issues related to the voter mobilisation and election campaign activities undertaken by Malaysians in the city-state. These legal issues became a source of friction between the two countries during the elections as government leaders and authorities on both sides of the causeway accused the other of interfering in domestic political matters. Given the growing number of Malaysians in Singapore and the likely repeat of Malaysian voter mobilisation activities in Singapore in the run-up to the fourteenth general election (GE14) in 2018, issues related to the election activities of Malaysian voters in Singapore stand to be another set of factors that will shape the health of bilateral relations between these two countries.


2001 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Eungi Kim

For the General Elections in 2000, nearly one thousand civic groups in South Korea joined forces to stage so-called “defeat campaign” against allegedly corrupt, incompetent or “ill-mannered” politicians. While sociologists and political scientists are still engaged in debates as to the success of the campaign, there is no denying that it played a significant role in thwarting many politicians from getting nominated or elected. It is also true that the defeat campaign has heralded a new era of Korean politics in which civic groups have emerged as a major political force, capable of challenging government or party policies and pending bills as well as influencing agenda setting in a diverse array of policy areas. The paper shows that the enthusiastic public support, effective strategies of the campaign and attentive mass media, among others, contributed to the campaign's “success.” The paper also shows that a complex political calculation was involved in the parties' differing reaction to the alliance's effort, which increasingly constrained the latter's manoeuvrability. It is also argued that greater political involvement by civic groups is likely to lead to more pluralistic, open and competitive form of democracy in which voters become more aware of political issues and participate more actively in political processes.


2022 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 159
Author(s):  
Ahmad Sahide

Joko Widodo (Jokowi) is the first Indonesian Democratic President elected by the peripheral people and not the elite. Jokowi is the only Indonesian President that is not the leader of any political party. Therefore, the President was faced with the issues of power consolidation in the initial administrative years. Some professional elites failed the President because they assumed a possible overthrown. During the presidential election in 2019 with Prabowo Subianto, Jokowi took K. H. Ma'ruf Amien as a vice presidential candidate and was attacked by China and the Indonesian Communist Party (ICP/PKI). However, Jokowi was re-elected for the second period (2019-2024) due to his close relationship with Indonesians, which is different from other presidents.   Received: 23 August 2021 / Accepted: 24 November 2021 / Published: 3 January 2022


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-251
Author(s):  
Rusli Rusli

This paper deals with one of the Islamic organizations in Palu, Wahdah Islamiyah (Islamic Unity), in terms of theological and contemporary Islamic legal issues. The source of analysis is the website that Wahdah Islamiyah runs online. The paper concludes that Wahdah Islamiyah is influenced by the relatively strict theology of Wahhābism in religiosity and morality. Therefore, in legal issues, Wahdah Islamiyah embraced and accommodated relatively conservative views with various issues in relation to theological issues and Islamic legal issues such as women’s, social, economic, and political issues. From these views, it can be argued that their aim is to preserve the identity by constructing the concepts of shirk and bidʻah and reinforcing the relatively rigid juristic tradition to become the citadel from the attacks of doctrine seeking to demolish the building of Salafism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Osman Sahin

Abstract This study presents a new theoretical framework for understanding one of the ways in which populists generate support in elections. It argues that populist movements securitize elections by triggering perceptions of ontological insecurity among voters. Through this strategy, populist movements amplify voters’ negative image of the country they live in and the challenges they face, which contributes to populist movements’ electoral success. Building upon this theoretical framework, this study offers an explanation for the 2015 double general elections in Turkey. The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) experienced disappointment after losing its parliamentary majority in the June 2015 elections. However, the AKP increased its votes by 8.6 percent in the November 2015 elections. Between these two elections, the AKP had used the Kurdish question to trigger perceptions of ontological insecurity, which enabled it to securitize the elections in November. This strategy helped the AKP win the November elections.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-241
Author(s):  
Rufino Varea ◽  
Jason Titifanue ◽  
Romitesh Kant ◽  
Renata Varea

As a unique group of people, Rotumans make up less than two percent of Fiji’s population, and as a minority Indigenous ethnic group in Fiji, they have remained relatively hidden and silent in political affairs. Outmigration from the island has led to more than 80 percent of Rotumans residing outside of Rotuma. In recent times, the Rotuman diaspora has heavily relied on the use of ICTs and new media technologies as crucial tools for the reinvigoration of Rotuma’s culture. This in itself poses an intriguing paradox as internet connectivity on Rotuma is quite limited. However, social media platforms have been increasingly used by Rotumans outside of Rotuma, and have enabled increased connectivity and greater dissemination of information among the Rotuman diaspora. Recently, the primary purpose of such social media groups has evolved from merely being a tool for rekindling familial ties, to being a platform for political discourse on Rotuman issues. In essence, despite the scattered nature of the Rotuman population, digital technologies are offering Rotumans the affordance of being able to inform and educate themselves and their networks on political issues of Rotuman interest. By employing ethnography and netnography principles and through in-person and online engagement with Rotumans within and outside of Rotuma, this article examines the affordances that digital technologies offer Rotumans concerning national political discourse. This is carried out with a specific focus on the 2018 general elections in Fiji.


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