Social Media for Future: The Use of Collective Emotions in Online Social Movement Campaigns

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (1) ◽  
pp. 14945
Author(s):  
Janet Su
2020 ◽  
pp. 136843022097475
Author(s):  
Samuel Hansen Freel ◽  
Rezarta Bilali ◽  
Erin Brooke Godfrey

In a three-wave longitudinal study conducted in the first 100 days of Trump’s presidency, this paper examines how people come to self-categorize into the emerging social movement “the Resistance,” and how self-categorization into this movement influences future participation in collective action and perceptions of the movement’s efficacy. Conventional collective action (e.g., protest, lobby legislators)—but not persuasive collective action (e.g., posting on social media)—and perceived identity consolidation efficacy of the movement at Wave 1 predicted a higher likelihood of self-categorization into the movement 1 month later (Wave 2) and 2 months later (Wave 3). Self-categorization into the Resistance predicted two types of higher subsequent movement efficacy perceptions, and helped sustain the effects of conventional collective action and movement efficacy beliefs at Wave 1 on efficacy beliefs at Wave 3. Implications for theory and future research on emerging social movements are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 288-303
Author(s):  
Ghozian Aulia Pradhana ◽  
◽  
Syaifa Tania ◽  

This study aims to reveal how hyperreality is reflected in using the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag on social media. The death of an African-American, George Floyd, that involved white police, has sparked outrage and demonstrations in many U.S. states. Issues pertaining to racism sparked in relation to the event, and many people protested demanding justice. The demand for justice then went into a wave of massive global protests both in offline and online realities—the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag was widely used on social media when protests were held. The #BlackLivesMatter hashtag even became a trending topic on several social media platforms, as if everyone was concerned about the issue and aiming for the same purpose. However, we might find several posts that neither reflected nor were related to the case. Some social media users put the hashtag even though their content substance was not related. This phenomenon then led to a condition of hyperreality in questioning reality from a simulation of reality. The method used in this study is content analysis which measures the sentiment of comments on Twitter and Instagram. The study found that social networking sites mobilised online movements even though they were not directly related to the #BlackLivesMatter movement. On the other hand, hashtag activism reduced the true meaning of the social movement. Therefore, the hyperreality in #BlackLivesMatter could not be seen any longer as a form of massive protests demanding justice and ending violence, but merely to gain more digital presence on social media. Keywords: Black lives matter, movement, social media, hyperreality, hashtag activism.


Author(s):  
Kazuhiko Shibuya

The author argued that the advent of social media summoned the collective dynamics of democracy of the citizens, by the citizens, and for the citizens. Such patterns using social media can readily alter the form of social movements, allowing their mutual interconnection and shaping the enclaves of networked clustering. Social media offer a new paradigm of democracy that encourages engagement and participation in both cyber and actual political actions for ordinary citizens. Nevertheless, little is known about co-occurrence and linkages between cyber and real-world actions by numerous participants. Consequently, this issue should be investigated with open questions related to the following points: 1) social institutional matters related to legitimation crises caused by social movements, 2) co-occurrence and linkages of collective dynamics between cyber and actual political actions, 3) enlargement of participants in social movement, and 4) systemic risks from local to international affairs.


Author(s):  
Olu Jenzen ◽  
Itir Erhart ◽  
Hande Eslen-Ziya ◽  
Umut Korkut ◽  
Aidan McGarry

This article explores how Twitter has emerged as a signifier of contemporary protest. Using the concept of ‘social media imaginaries’, a derivative of the broader field of ‘media imaginaries’, our analysis seeks to offer new insights into activists’ relation to and conceptualisation of social media and how it shapes their digital media practices. Extending the concept of media imaginaries to include analysis of protestors’ use of aesthetics, it aims to unpick how a particular ‘social media imaginary’ is constructed and informs their collective identity. Using the Gezi Park protest of 2013 as a case study, it illustrates how social media became a symbolic part of the protest movement by providing the visualised possibility of imagining the movement. In previous research, the main emphasis has been given to the functionality of social media as a means of information sharing and a tool for protest organisation. This article seeks to redress this by directing our attention to the role of visual communication in online protest expressions and thus also illustrates the role of visual analysis in social movement studies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-215
Author(s):  
Ratan Kumar Roy

Politics online is a significant phenomenon today in Bangladesh given the reach of internet, resulting in the proliferation of the use of social media and online activism. The intertwined dynamic of digital drive and mediated politics can be traced in other parts of the region of South Asia as a burgeoning spectacle. In this context, the instance of Bangladesh with regard to online activism provides distinctive clues to fathom the nature of mediated politics. This paper examines a social media-driven youth protest, Shahbag Movement in 2013 to unravel the interactive dynamics between new media, traditional media and social movement. Bringing in the empirical cases, in the ultimate analysis, it delves deeper into the conceptual aspects of media practices, mediation and mediatisation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (4) ◽  
pp. 947-962
Author(s):  
TABITHA BONILLA ◽  
ALVIN B. TILLERY

The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement has organized hundreds of disruptive protests in American cities since 2013 (Garza 2014; Harris 2015; Taylor 2016). The movement has garnered considerable attention from the U.S. media and is well recognized by the U.S. public (Horowitz and Livingston 2016; Neal 2017). Social movement scholars suggest that such robust mobilizations are typically predicated on clear social movement frames (Benford and Snow 2000; Snow et al. 1986). Tillery (2019b) has identified several distinct message frames within the social media communications of BLM activists. In this paper, we use a survey experiment to test the effect of three of these frames—Black Nationalist, Feminist, and LGBTQ+ Rights—on the mobilization of African Americans. We find that exposure to these frames generates differential effects on respondents’ willingness to support, trust, canvass, and write representatives about the Black Lives Matter movement. These findings raise new questions about the deployment of intersectional messaging strategies within movements for racial justice.


2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (4-6) ◽  
pp. 807-836 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yubo Kou ◽  
Yong Ming Kow ◽  
Xinning Gui ◽  
Waikuen Cheng

2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 937-955 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roya Imani Giglou ◽  
Christine Ogan ◽  
Leen d’Haenens

The Gezi Park demonstrations across Turkey in the early summer of 2013 offered another opportunity to examine the role played by social media in a social movement. This survey of 967 ethnic (Turkish or Kurdish) minorities living in Belgium, the Netherlands, and Germany focuses on attitudes and behaviors alongside uses of offline and online networks to make connections with others during and after Gezi. We investigate whether the respondents living in the diaspora experienced communication-generated social capital. We also examine whether the social capital already built through lives spent in Europe, where connections to majority populations had been forged, was at least temporarily reversed through a process of re-bonding, as ethnic minorities turned their attention and loyalty to the social movement in Turkey.


Author(s):  
Donya Alinejad

This paper presents a small-scale case study of the Facebook page, Europe Says OXI, and a group of political activists spread across European cities who are affiliated with the page. It focuses on how digital communications practices play a role in social movement participation, and follows these young people’s practices and stories as they move between different forms of mediated communication. This shows how activists use social media to apply mobilization frames that align with their shared ideological tenets, display emergent forms of leadership, and negotiate the use of media within moral frameworks. The argument complicates theories of connective identity and connective action, which some scholars discuss as a new mode of practice produced through the uptake of social media within contemporary social movements. It challenges the idea that these new modes are replacing older notions of collective identity by being personalized, leaderless, and eschewing ideology. Moving beyond seeing collective and connective in opposition, the paper attempts to build a concept around the emic term, ‘online camaraderie’, taking it as a felt sense of shared connection to the movement, its events, places, and its other participants. It suggests that understanding how a sense of camaraderie is mediation requires further theoretical and methodological reflection on how to trace the traversal of the affective relationships that the social movement relies on across various means of communication.  


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