„Wir gucken zuerst auf uns“ – nur wie lange noch? Parteienwettbewerb bei der Kandidatenaufstellung zur Bundestagswahl 2017

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Kannenberg

The rise of the right-wing populist Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) has changed the German party landscape and challenged the other Bundestag parties . So far, this has not been paid attention to when looking at how parties fulfill their recruitment function, i .e . how they select candidates for elections . This study investigates whether and how the AfD has influenced their rivals’ nomination processes in 2017 . By drawing on guided interviews with members of the selection bodies, strong inertial forces within the established parties in terms of the selection mode became obvious . Similarly, candidates for the Bundestag were largely chosen according to internal party criteria despite increased inter-party competition . Those results notwithstanding there are initial signs that voter-related selection criteria might be weighted stronger in the future . This could be due above all to declining membership figures, changing conditions for competition in the districts and enhanced polarization within the parties .

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-107
Author(s):  
Cheri Bayuni Budjang

Buying and selling is a way to transfer land rights according to the provisions in Article 37 paragraph (1) of Government Regulation Number 24 of 1997 concerning Land Registration which must include the deed of the Land Deed Making Official to register the right of land rights (behind the name) to the Land Office to create legal certainty and minimize the risks that occur in the future. However, in everyday life there is still a lot of buying and selling land that is not based on the laws and regulations that apply, namely only by using receipts and trust in each other. This is certainly very detrimental to both parties in the transfer of rights (behind the name), especially if the other party is not known to exist like the Case in Decision Number 42 / Pdt.G / 2010 / PN.Mtp


Author(s):  
Agus Arwani

Accountants are the actors who contribute to the establishment and implementation of accounting as a structure. On the other hand the consequences of the application of modern accounting shows the impact of a less than satisfactory. Facts show the number of accounting manipulation scandal that hit the company's financial statements and the low awareness of their social responsibility and the environment implies that very large changes in accounting principals. Accounting reality is part of how accountants take on the role. Deviations reality always brings accountants as party central is how actors and structures form mutually met. Habitus actor '' greedy '' met with accounting (capitalism) as a structure that legitimize it. In reality accountant (agent) looks so lost in the shackles of capitalism, so the agency theory in the form of a conflict of interest, it seems to shift the basis of mutual symbiosis between the interests of management and accountants. Accountants must be returned khittah her as a sovereign profession, he is an ideologue as Rausyan Fikr. All forms of deep-an accountant in worship, glorify the '' number '' in the sense of making all tasks as tasks (treatises) '' prophetic '' to map the right stakeholders fairly and correctly. This can only take place within the frame sovereign  and raise awareness of the Godhead (fervently) to put God at the summit toward accountability. Readiness accountant sharia in entering the MEA in 2017 with preparing the capabilities and expertise of sharia-based accounting standards IFRS, Accounting Sharia must understand the risks of sharia, sharia accounting should be standardized SDI International, science and technology capabilities accountant sharia be reliable.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liliia Sablina

Abstract Starting from 2015, the Russian-speaking residents in Germany have expressed their anti-refugee position in the form of rallies and rising voting support for the right-wing populist party, Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). Due to the absence of social cues, unlimited space, immediate responses, and minimal censorship online, platforms for communication have reflected the offline mobilization and became the major platforms for the spreadability of discriminatory discourse. This article sets out to investigate why Russian-speaking internet users residing in Germany justify anti-refugee discourse and how they construct the notion of “others.” Based on the netnographic analysis of the chosen online discussions and conducted interviews with its members, this article argues that, with the appearance of new “others,” Russian-speaking migrants have redefined their symbolic boundaries in order to draw the line between the incoming migrants and themselves—people with a migrant background. In many ways, participants of the analyzed discussions employed the politicized civilizational rhetoric that allowed them to redefine existing categorizations. This research explores, for the first time, the reasons lying behind the online populist activity of the Russian-speaking residents in Germany.


Author(s):  
Andrea Botto Stuven

The Documentation Center of the Contemporary History of Chile (CIDOC), which belongs to the Universidad Finis Terrae (Santiago), has a digital archive that contains the posters and newspapers inserts of the anti-communist campaign against Salvador Allende’s presidential candidacy in 1964. These appeared in the main right-wing newspapers of Santiago, between January and September of 1964. Although the collection of posters in CIDOC is not complete, it is a resource of great value for those who want to research this historical juncture, considering that those elections were by far the most contested and conflicting in the history of Chile during the 20th Century, as it implicted the confrontation between two candidates defending two different conceptions about society, politics, and economics. On the one hand, Salvador Allende, the candidate of the Chilean left; on the other, Eduardo Frei, the candidate of the Christian Democracy, coupled with the traditional parties of the Right. While the technical elements of the programs of both candidates did not differ much from each other, the political campaign became the scenario for an authentic war between the “media” that stood up for one or the other candidate. Frei’s anticommunist campaign had the financial aid of the United States, and these funds were used to gather all possible resources to create a real “terror” in the population at the perspective of the Left coming to power. The Chilean Left labeled this strategy of using fear as the “Terror Campaign.”


2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Decker ◽  
Lazaros Miliopoulos

Right-wing extremist and populist parties operate in a rather difficult social and political environment in Germany, rendering notable electoral success fairly improbable, especially when compared to other European countries. The main reason for this is the continuing legacy of the Nazi past. Nevertheless the neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) managed to gain substantial votes in recent Land elections and became the leading force in the right-wing extremist political camp. Its success is attributable to rightwing extremist attitudes in some parts of the electorate in connection with a widespread feeling of political discontent. Nevertheless, it is questionable whether the NPD will be able to transform these attitudes into a viable ideological basis for two main reasons. On the one hand, maintaining a neo-Nazi ideology makes the NPD unattractive to many potential voters. On the other hand, given its internal power struggles and severe financial problems, the party may be unable to meet its challenges in organizational terms.


2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 365-374
Author(s):  
Lode Wils

De Vlaams-nationalist Joris Van Severen die in 1931 een strijdorganistie van fascistische signatuur zou stichten, sympathiseerde als soldaat in 1916 en de volgende jaren met de twee Russische revoluties en met de bolsjewieken. Hij beleed het antimilitarisme, antipatriottisme en internationalisme, evenals het gebruik van geweld voor de bevrijding van Vlaanderen. Volgens de historicus Romain Vanlandschoot was hij links, democratisch en socialistisch gezind, en maakte hij pas in 1921-1922 een omzwaai naar rechts. Daartegenover stelt Lode Wils dat de dominerende plaats van de katholieke godsdienst en van de aristocratie in de maatschappijvisie van Van Severen, hem van 1916 af tekent als een man van rechts.________The young Joris Van SeverenThe Flemish-nationalist Joris Van Severen who was to found a fighting force of fascist persuasion in 1931, sympathised as a soldier in 1916 and the following years with the two Russian revolutions and the Bolshevists.  He professed antimilitarism, anti-patriotism and internationalism, as well as the use of violence for the liberation of Flanders. According to the historian Romain Vanlandschoot he was a leftist, democratic and socialist in inclination, and only switched to the right in 1921-1922. Lode Wils, on the other hand, claims that the dominating position of the Catholic religion and the aristocracy in Van Severen’s view of society marked him out from 1916 onwards as a man from the right wing.


Author(s):  
Gautam Shroff

‘Predicting the future’—the stuff of dreams one might imagine; the province of astrologers and soothsayers, surely. Perhaps not, the scientific mind might retort: after all, is it not the job of science to discover laws of nature, and thereby make precise, verifiable predictions about the future? But what if we were to claim that prediction is neither fanciful nor difficult, and not even rare. Rather, it is commonplace; something that we all accomplish each and every moment of our lives. Some readers may recall the popular video game, pong, where the goal is to ‘keep the puck in play’ using an electronic paddle. Figure 2 shows images of two different pong games in progress. In addition to the paddle and puck, the players’ eye gaze is also being tracked. The image on the left shows the player’s eyes tracking the puck itself. On the other hand, in the right-hand image, the player is already looking at a point where she expects the puck to travel to. The player on the left is reactive; she simply tracks the puck, and as the game gets faster, she eventually misses. The right player, in contrast, is able to predict where the puck will be, and most of the time she gets it right. Further, we often see her eyes dart faster than the puck to multiple regions of the field as she appears to recalculate her prediction continuously. What kind of player do you think you are? As it happens, almost all of us are predictive players. Even if we have never played pong before, we rapidly begin predicting the puck’s trajectory after even a few minutes of playing. The ‘reactive player’ in this experiment was in fact autistic, which apparently affected the person’s ability to make predictions about the puck’s trajectory. (The neurological causes of autism are still not well known or agreed upon; the recent research from which the images in Figure 2 are taken represent new results that might shed some more lightonthisdebilitatingcondition.) So it appears that prediction, as exhibited by most pong players, is far from being a rare and unusual ability. It is in fact a part and parcel of our everyday lives, and is present, to varying degrees, in all conscious life.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 622-638
Author(s):  
Jürgen Maier

In order to analyze whether the entry of the right-wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) into parliaments has changed parliamentary debate culture a content analysis of budget debates for the period 2012-2017 is conducted, where the frequency of interruptions and the use of uncivil utterances during the speaker’s interruption in seven German state parliaments are measured before and after the entry of the AfD . The measured changes to developments in the two German states where the AfD did not succeed in moving into the state parliament are compared . The frequency of interruptions - and thus the conflictual nature of parliamentary debates - has increased as a result of the presence of the AfD . However, there are no indications that the increase in incivility is related to the entry of the AfD into the state parliaments . The likelihood of the AfD’s confrontational appearance increases with its parliamentary significance (e .g ., the share of seats) . By contrast, it is irrelevant for the appearance of the AfD in parliamentary debates whether they are more movement-oriented or more parliament-oriented .


2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piotr Żuk ◽  
Paweł Żuk

This article describes the chaos caused by the 1999 privatization of the pension system in Poland. The recent measures taken by the right-wing populist government of the Law and Justice (PiS) party, which reduced the retirement age and announced the complete elimination of ‘open’ (private) pension funds at the end of 2016, have not improved the situation of present and future retirees. Various forecasts show that the elderly will not be able to count on state aid in the future. The future of retired women (who tend to be less economically active) and those employed on ‘junk contracts’, from which social security contributions were not deducted, seems to be completely hopeless.


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