Parlamente in der Pandemie: Erste Erkenntnisse aus einem international vergleichenden Forschungsvorhaben

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 878-894
Author(s):  
Sven T. Siefken ◽  
Petra Guasti ◽  
Werner J. Patzelt ◽  
Osnat Akirav ◽  
Ken Coghill ◽  
...  

During the pandemic, parliaments around the globe suffered a “double shock”: They had to adjust to the challenges of the infectious disease and uphold or (re-)establish their roles with regard to the executive . A closer investigation of 27 parliaments in different political systems gives a first in-depth comparative account for their initial reactions to the crisis . It is based on information from an ongoing collaboration of experts on parliaments and builds on a model of historical institutionalism . In some countries significant measures were taken, including restricting participation in parliamentary proceedings and moving some of them online . Committees served as a field of experimentation for digitalizing par­liaments . While only in a few countries legislative activities were strongly dominated by the pandemic, in most countries continuity across policy areas prevailed . More variety can be seen in institutional changes for parliamentary oversight . Communication activities intensi­fied with the pandemic, particularly from parliamentary leadership . These first results indi­cate that parliaments and established parliamentary democracies, in particular, were able to perform their functions despite unprecedented challenges posed by the Covid-19 pandem­ic .

2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-174
Author(s):  
SHU-YUN MA

ABSTRACTIn response to the call for more investigation on ‘institutional dynamism’, this article examines the role of power and accidents in causing institutional changes, employing the theoretical perspective of historical institutionalism. The impact of two ‘accidents’ (epidemics) on the institutional setting of a hospital in Hong Kong under different power contexts (changes of political sovereignty) is analysed as a case study. The finding is that power matters more than accidents. This is not to deny the importance of accidents. Accidents matter because they produce windows of opportunity for institutional changes to take place. Through political manoeuvres powerful actors may decide which accidents should cause change.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Wen-Hsuan Tsai ◽  
Xingmiu Liao

Abstract The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regards the Communist Youth League (CYL) as a critical and distinctive mass organization that acts as an “assistant” and “reserve army” for the Party. This article uses the analytical concepts of historical institutionalism and critical junctures to discuss the changes in the CYL during the post-Mao period. We focus on two critical junctures: 1982, when the CYL became a route to rapid promotion for cadres, and 2016, after which its cadres had fewer opportunities for promotion and the CYL was pushed back to its original role in youth United Front work. We also find that the CYL has refined its United Front methods to attract talented young people by offering them services. This reflects the efforts of the CCP regime to adapt to circumstances and ensure its survival.


Author(s):  
Catia Grisa ◽  
Paulo Andre Niederle

Abstract This article analyzes the dismantling of the Specialized Meeting on Family Farming (Reaf), a Mercosur forum responsible for proposing public policies for family farming. By means of a dialogue with the historical institutionalism, the cognitive approach, and the policy dismantling approach, the article characterizes the predominant type of dismantling and explains its driving forces. Data were collected through the analysis of official documents, observation of national and regional meetings, and interviews with ministers, policymakers, researchers and social leaders. Results indicate the prevalence of “dismantling by default” or gradual changes known as “drift”, in which, besides the interests and strategies of the political actors - the main focus of policy dismantling analysis - the emergence of new ideas and policy paradigms has played a major role.


Author(s):  
Michael Jaye ◽  
Robert Burks

The use of agent-based simulations (ABS) in social science applications presents validation challenges. In this study, the authors use two theories for the growth of rebellion, one an ABS and the other implemented as a system of ordinary differential equations (ODEs). Epstein’s (2001) theory for the rise of rebellion serves as one conceptual model. The authors implement this theory in NetLogo, with several modifications. The second conceptual model likens the spread of an insurgency to that of an infectious disease, specifically the susceptible-infected-removed-susceptible (SIRS) model. The authors find that the similarity of the ODE model results to those obtained from certain parameters of the ABS implementation serves as a form of model validation. The term used for this type of validation is docking. In addition, other results obtained from the ABS – not directly attainable from the ODE model but which match observed phenomenon in socio-political systems – also demonstrates operational validity.


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 887-907 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Rodríguez-Teruel

Abstract In decentralized European parliamentary democracies future governing elites often acquire political experience and attain top positions by passing through sub-national political institutions. In doing so, elites circumvent and reduce the importance of national parliaments. Previous research has advanced several explanations for this pattern: Europe's tradition of bureaucratic government; parties with open methods for selecting parliamentary candidates; the “presidentialization” and Europeanization of national political systems. Since its transition to democracy in 1977, Spain has had an exceptionally small proportion of former MPs in its national cabinets. I employ data for Spanish ministers between 1977–2009 demonstrating the passage of a large proportion of cabinet ministers through local and regional government levels rather than the national parliament, the Cortes Generales. I show that multilevel rather than parliamentary political careers characterize ministerial elite recruitment, and I discuss the consequences for Spain's parliamentary democracy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 584-599
Author(s):  
Osnat Akirav

How do we measure the activity of legislators? I argue that, in addition to using measures such as how many bills they pass, we must also consider activities such as parliamentary questions, early day motions, motions for the agenda and one-minute speeches. One means for doing so is Akirav’s activity scale developed in Israel. I use this scale to measure legislators’ activity in two additional political systems – the United States and the United Kingdom. I also identify the characteristics shared by the most active legislators and the least active. The findings indicate that opposition, junior and committee chair legislators are more active than other representatives. While previous studies have investigated the cost–benefit analysis in which legislators engage regarding where and how to invest their time in their legislative work, this study is the first to conduct such an analysis about both their legislative and non-legislative activities. This more complete picture reveals their incentives for engaging fully in parliamentary work.


2018 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jie Gu

Since its emergence in 2005, China’s online video industry has been embroiled in rampant piracy. Nevertheless, online video piracy has sharply declined in recent years, and copyrights have become a widely accepted and practiced legal norm. With reference to historical institutionalism, this article considers copyrights as an institution and embeds the decline of China’s online video piracy in institutional changes of three copyright-related institutions: legal regimes, administrative regulations, and the online video industry. It argues that even though intervention by legal regimes cannot simply be overlooked, an interest-led institutional change in which the industry first diverges and then converges with administrative regulations is pivotal to the institutionalization of online video copyrights. These findings further our understanding of how China’s online video piracy is sustained or undermined with a holistic, historical, and dialectical outlook.


Author(s):  
Eric Helleiner

Historical institutionalism highlights the prevalence of incremental change in international governance. This chapter reinforces this point through an examination of a particularly hard case: the iconic creation of the postwar Bretton Woods international monetary and financial system. Although the 1944 Bretton Woods agreements are widely seen to be a product of power, interests and ideas at a unique historical moment, they were also shaped by a set of incremental institutional changes that pre-dated the negotiations and left important legacies. The Bretton Woods agreements emerged less from a specific moment than from a longer “critical juncture” dating back to the Great Depression.


Author(s):  
Christoph H. Stefes

This chapter examines historical institutionalism (HI) and the role that time and institutions play in societal transformations. HI thereby provides analytical depth to the study of time, realizing that the duration, tempo, timing, and sequencing of historical processes and events affect the onset of societal transformations. Institutions subsequently narrow the range of paths that societal transformations could potentially take, by enabling distinct forms of cooperation between various actors, (re)distributing power and resources, and proscribing and prescribing appropriate behaviour. In the wake of radical and incremental institutional changes, caused by exogenous shocks and endogenous dynamics, societies might embark on new paths. With its analytical focus on the meso level and the nature of time, HI has contributed to the development of middle-range theories that often bridge the traditional actor-structure divide.


Author(s):  
Zoran Vaupot

Similar recent history (former communist economies), geographical position (central Europe), relatively small size (except Poland), political systems (parliamentary democracies) and EU membership define Visegrad countries as the perfect group to compare with Slovenia. When we analyse the stock of inward foreign direct investments (IFDI) in comparison to GDP in Slovenia and all Visegrad countries, noticeable differences appear. With 30.5% (December 2016) the stock of IFDI in Slovenia was much lower than the comparable data for Poland (39.4%), Slovakia (48.8%), Czech Republic (60.0%) and Hungary (64.3%). Also the trend of the IFDI share of GDP shows that the differences between Slovenia and Visegrad countries will not diminish noticeably in the forthcoming years. We try to verify whether the explanation of this phenomenon can be realized with the help of well-known cross-cultural models. In other words, is there a country-specific cultural dimension which influences whether Slovenia receives less IFDI than the Visegrad countries? In what ways is this dimension an influence on Slovenia receiving less IFDI? We conclude that the lack of IFDI has to be attributed to Slovenian particularities rather than significant cross-cultural differences when compared to Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic and Slovakia.


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