The American “Occupation”

Author(s):  
Robert L. Fuller

French public opinion about the American presence waxed and waned, sometimes driven by events. Much of the French disquiet proved to be fleeting and overestimated; at other times, it was the product of unrealistic expectations. Treating France as a second-rate power by leaving de Gaulle out of the Yalta and Potsdam Conferences offended many French. Suspicions about the intentions of French Communists united many French—including de Gaulle—with the Americans. Cultural differences between the two nations aggravated unavoidable clashes of interests. Still, the Americans’ maladroit handling of sensitive situations sometimes unnecessarily irritated their French hosts.

1992 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
G A Mauser ◽  
M Margolis

In this paper two questions are asked: To what extent do the Canadian and US publics differ in their beliefs about firearms-control legislation, and to what extent do these differences help to account for the stricter firearms legislation found in Canada? Surveys indicate that Canadians and Americans have remarkably similar attitudes towards firearms and gun control. Linear regression is used to analyze the factors that underlie the popular support for (or opposition to) stricter gun-control legislation. It is found that, with respect to support for gun control, cultural differences between Canadians and Americans are overshadowed by socioeconomic variables, such as gender and gun ownership. The similarities in public attitudes between Canadians and Americans suggest that the explanation for stricter firearms legislation in Canada lies more with the differences in political elites and institutions than with differences in public opinion. The differences in public attitudes in the two countries are insufficient to explain the stark contrast in firearms legislation.


Author(s):  
Matthew Eshbaugh-Soha

Presidential persuasion is a central feature of presidential power and leadership. Although originally conceived of as essential for bargaining with and influencing Congress and later the bureaucracy, the rise of television and polling science—along with the constraints imposed by legislative gridlock and divided government—afforded presidents regular opportunities to appeal to the public to achieve their policy goals. Despite some scholarly allegations that presidents should persuade the public, the White House’s own expectations that presidents can do so, and the extent to which the modern White House polls and attempts to influence news coverage and public opinion, the predominant conclusion of the literature is that presidential persuasion is unlikely to change public opinion. Even evidence that supports presidential persuasion may be marginal, mixed, time bound, or vary by domestic and foreign policy. At times, presidents may not be able to lead public opinion because they have responded to it. And even the act of speaking, as expressed by scholars of the rhetorical presidency, may puff up unrealistic expectations for the occupant of the office. Nevertheless, presidents may be able to influence the public’s agenda on issues not previously salient to the American people, prime favorable aspects of their policies through speechmaking, and act strategically to parlay existing public support into legislative victories.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yunfei Xing ◽  
Yuhai Li ◽  
Feng-Kwei Wang

PurposeCOVID-19, an infectious disease first identified in China, has resulted in an ongoing pandemic all over the world. Most of the countries have been experiencing a difficult period during the fighting of this pandemic. The purpose of this study is to explore the effect of privacy concerns and cultural differences on public opinion related to the pandemic. The authors conducted a comparative analysis of public opinion in the US and in China as a case study, in order to determine the results.Design/methodology/approachNational policies on important issues faced during the COVID-19 pandemic in the US and in China were examined through a comparative analysis. The authors used text clustering and visualization to mine public opinion on two popular social media platforms, Twitter and Weibo. From the perspectives of concern for privacy and of national culture, this study combines qualitative and quantitative analysis to discover the acceptance level of national policies by the public in the two countries.FindingsThe anti-pandemic policies and measures of the US and China reflect the different characteristics of their respective political systems and national cultures. When considering the culture of the US, it is hard to establish and enforce a rigorous regulation on either mask wearing in public or home quarantine on the national level. The opinions of US people are diverse, regarding national COVID-19 policies, but they are rather unified on privacy issues. On the other hand, Chinese people show a high acceptance of national policies based on their mask-wearing customs and their culture of collectivism.Originality/valuePrior studies have paid insufficient attention to the ways in which user privacy and cultural difference affect public opinion on national policies between the US and China. This case study that compares public opinion on current and topical issues which are closely bound up with public life shows originality, as it innovatively provides a cross-cultural perspective on the research of public opinion dissemination during emergencies by considering the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.


1952 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 501-519 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. B. Duroselle

I do not intend to write an exhaustive study of the history of Franco-German relations since the capitulation of Germany on May 8, 1945. Such an undertaking is hardly possible in the present state of documentation. It seems to me more useful to concentrate on the essential characteristics of these relations and present them from an objective French point of view, as is natural for a French historian. The subject of French public opinion with regard to Germany has extremely interesting aspects which scholars, educated people from abroad and especially the average citizens of various countries of the world, find it difficult to understand. It is bseyond doubt that, in a country with a democratic constitution like France, public opinion exercises a considerable influence on the government. But conversely the government's influence on public opinion cannot be overlooked. It happens that in France the policy towards Germany since 1945 has been determined by a very small number of men: General de Gaulle, Georges Bidault, Robert Schuman, André François Poncet, René Pleven, Gilbert Grandval (the last to a lesser extent: he is concerned with the Saar problem).


Author(s):  
Jean-Pierre Dormois ◽  
François Crouzet

In May 1940, among panic-stricken ministers and politicians, General de Gaulle was virtually alone to reflect and proclaim that France was not vanquished as long as it retained its colonial empire, which would serve as the springboard for France's future liberation and status as a world power. Not many of his contemporaries shared his conviction, and his loneliness testifies to the detachment of public opinion and politicians vis-a-vis an empire which in extent ranked second only to the British. In spite of the headlines, newsreels, slogans, colonial exhibitions and propaganda, most Frenchmen would have probably agreed that, over the years, the mother country had spent more on its colonies than it had received.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (19) ◽  
pp. 9030
Author(s):  
Yongdeok Yun ◽  
Hyungseok Oh ◽  
Rohae Myung

As autonomous driving technology develops, the advantages and disadvantages of autonomous vehicles emerge. In order for automated vehicles to find a place in society, public opinion and acceptance are important, and a number of studies about public opinion and acceptance are underway. In this paper, we investigated the relation between cross cultural differences and public opinion on automated vehicles. Through a literature review, public opinion in various countries, including China, India, Japan, the U.S., the U.K., and Australia, was collected. Through these data, the influence of cross cultural differences in public opinion was identified, and statistical models for predicting public opinion about autonomous vehicles were developed. In addition, the prediction models were validated through the results of the survey conducted in this paper. As a result, the influence of cross cultural differences on public opinion about automated vehicles was confirmed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Del Giudice

Abstract The argument against innatism at the heart of Cognitive Gadgets is provocative but premature, and is vitiated by dichotomous thinking, interpretive double standards, and evidence cherry-picking. I illustrate my criticism by addressing the heritability of imitation and mindreading, the relevance of twin studies, and the meaning of cross-cultural differences in theory of mind development. Reaching an integrative understanding of genetic inheritance, plasticity, and learning is a formidable task that demands a more nuanced evolutionary approach.


2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maja Deković ◽  
Margreet ten Have ◽  
Wilma A.M. Vollebergh ◽  
Trees Pels ◽  
Annerieke Oosterwegel ◽  
...  

We examined the cross-cultural equivalence of a widely used instrument that assesses perceived parental rearing, the EMBU-C, among native Dutch and immigrant adolescents living in The Netherlands. The results of a multigroup confirmatory factor analysis indicated that the factor structure of the EMBU-C, consisting of three latent factors (Warmth, Rejection, and Overprotection), and reliabilities of these scales are similar in both samples. These findings lend further support for the factorial and construct validity of this instrument. The comparison of perceived child rearing between native Dutch and immigrant adolescents showed cultural differences in only one of the assessed dimensions: Immigrant adolescents perceive their parents as more overprotective than do Dutch adolescents.


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