The Whiteness of Watching

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-136
Author(s):  
Benjamin Stumpf ◽  

This article seeks to develop a concept I term surveillant citizenship, referring to a historically-emergent civic national and moral discourse that prescribes citizen participation in surveillance, policing, and law enforcement. Drawing on philosophy of race, surveillance studies, critical prison studies, and cultural theory, I argue that the ideological projects attached to the ‘War on Crime’ and the ‘War on Drugs’ sought to choreograph white social life around surveillant citizenship—manufacturing consent to police militarization, prison expansion, and mass incarceration, with consequences relevant to the future of antiracist strategy.

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-182
Author(s):  
WILL COOLEY

AbstractThe rise of crack cocaine in the late 1980s propelled the war on drugs. The experience of Canton, Ohio, shows how the response to crack solidified mass incarceration. A declining industrial city of 84,000 people in northeast Ohio with deep-seated racial divides, it was overwhelmed by aggressive, enterprising crack dealers from outside the city. In response, politicians and residents united behind the strategy of incessant arrests and drastic prison sentences. The law-enforcement offensive worsened conditions while pursuing African Americans at blatantly disproportionate rates, but few people engaged in reframing the drug problem. Instead, a punitive citizenry positioned punishment as the principal remedy. The emergency foreclosed on more comprehensive assessments of the city’s tribulations, while the criminal justice system emerged as the paramount institution.


Author(s):  
Simon Balto

The introduction lays out the book’s key parameters. It offers a framework by which Black communities are shown to be simultaneously prone to being “overpoliced” (subject to undue surveillance, harassment, and violence from police) and “underprotected” (lacking the safety from personal and property crime that the police are nominally supposed to provide). It critically argues that studies that date America’s policing crisis to the War on Crime or War on Drugs are insufficient and that better attention must be paid to local histories of policing. In so doing, it also argues that if scholars and citizens are to understand why mass incarceration has been such a deeply racialized project from its inception, they must better understand how police departments themselves constructed regimes that punished blackness over the course of the twentieth century.


1997 ◽  
Vol 91 (4) ◽  
pp. 885-897 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard J. Ellis ◽  
Fred Thompson

Douglas and Wildavsky argue that environmental activism is rooted in an egalitarian cultural bias. Others, like Paehlke, counter that environmental commitments and concerns are autonomous from redistributive concerns. Students of the “New Politics” agree that environmentalism is autonomous from conventional left-right distributive concerns but also argue that environmental attitudes and beliefs are embedded in “postmaterial” values, such as citizen participation. Still other scholars emphasize a cultural consensus around environmental values and beliefs. What distinguishes environmental activists, in this view, is less what they believe than their willingness to make sacrifices for those values and beliefs. Drawing upon several surveys of environmental groups and the mass public in the Pacific Northwest, we test these four hypotheses and find that the Douglas-Wildavsky “cultural theory,” although not without its limitations, appears to provide the more satisfactory account of environmental preferences.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 31-41
Author(s):  
DANILA ILIN ◽  

The article presents the results of a study of the problems of criminal legal assessment of criminal attacks on the health care system during the COVID-19 pandemic. The social background of such crime and its criminological characteristics are studied. Given the fact that most of criminal law, aimed at preventing crime, reducing the capacity of the state in the fight against novel coronavirus infection treated in depth by the legal and regulatory framework is impeding the spread of the pandemic COVID-19, and analyzed Federal laws, decrees of the President of the Russian Federation, decisions and orders of the Government of the Russian Federation, orders of the Ministry of health of Russia and other state bodies governing the functioning of public authorities, medical institutions and organizations, the rights and obligations of citizens and legal entities, this includes measures for the prevention of this disease in various areas of social life that are additionally regulated during the COVID-19 pandemic. The task of optimizing the criminal law provision of health care during the COVID-19 pandemic is formulated, taking into account the actual situation with the spread of this infection and the practice of countering it. As part of this task, based on a critical analysis of existing approaches in the science of criminal law, we formulate our own concept of crimes that infringe on the health system during the COVID-19 pandemic, characterize the problem, study their legal and social nature, and systematize such crimes. On the basis of the obtained data, a General description of crimes that encroach on the health system during the COVID-19 pandemic is given, their criminal-legal features are considered, theoretical approaches to determining their essence are studied, and the author's position on this issue is formulated. The author's classification of crimes that hinder the provision of health care during the COVID-19 pandemic is given. Groups of such crimes are consistently considered. A General description of their objective and subjective characteristics is given. Proposals for improving the interpretation of the relevant criminal law norms in science and law enforcement practice have been developed, and suggestions for their improvement have been substantiated and formulated. The article is addressed not only to scientists and practitioners of law enforcement agencies, but also to doctors who often work in conditions of a lack of legal knowledge about their rights and obligations, the qualification of certain acts from the point of view of criminal law, the grounds and limits of criminal liability for those that constitute a crime, and algorithms for actions in case of detection of such acts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Masruchin Masruchin ◽  
A’yunina Mahanani ◽  
Diyah Ekowati

Wakaf is a Maliyah worship that have tight relation with development of umat welfare. It is a worship in the form of social economy. The potential of wakaf is huge nowadays however it does not use optimally yet because of some factors so that it cannot give maximum role in bringing welfare for society and empowering society’s economy. Wakaf does not only support the development of science but also prepare all facilities needed by students of university or society.Modern Boarding School Darussalam Gontor, Islamic boarding school that considered has been successful in organizing productive wakaf to finance itself and because of that, it can be the role model for developing educational institution base wakaf. Most of the result of wakaf used to develop the business and another used for teachers’ welfare and funding institutions of boarding school in shelter of PMDG. Some of the fund also donated to assistance founding of religious social life of society around.As for the concept of wakaf PMDG refers to maqashid – al shari’ah that is in level of law enforcement (tatbiq al hukmi) that is create welfare and avoid mercilessness. Trimutri in his wakaf concept more emphasizes on the welfare aspect aimed to that wakaf is a media to get closer with Allah SWT. It is form of Hajiyyat needs to possess the nature of religion, and give humanity assistance institutionally (at – tahbis), and for education of Islamic boarding school related to the intelligence development, so that it can give advantage optimally for Muslim’s life later.Key words: productive wakaf, Wakaf Gontor, Maqashid al – shari’ah.


ARTMargins ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 86-87
Author(s):  
Ignacio M. Sánchez Prado

This essay reviews two theoretical books on neoliberalism written by Mexican cultural critics: Capitalismo gore (Gore Capitalism), by Sayak Valencia, published originally in Spanish in 2010 and translated into English in 2018, and La tiranía del sentido común ( The Tyranny of Common Sense) by Irmgard Emmelhainz, published in Spanish in 2016 and yet to be translated into English. These works are pioneering in their discussion of the correlation between neoliberalism, subjectivity, and culture in Mexico, and they have become widely influential in broader discussions of art, visual culture, literature, and cultural production. They add to the work of economic and political historians, such as Fernando Escalante Gonzalbo and María Eugenia Romero Sotelo, by connecting landmark moments in neoliberalization (from the financialization of the global economy in the 1970s to the War on Drugs in the 2000s) to changing paradigms in art. Author Ignacio M. Sánchez Prado contextualizes both books within larger discussions of Mexican cultural neoliberalism and describes the theoretical frame works through which both authors read Mexican politics, art, and popular culture. In Valencia's case, Sánchez Prado discusses her idea of “gore capitalism”: a framework for understanding how neoliberalism relies on dynamics of the shadow economy and on the subjectification of gore (what Valencia calls endriago subjectivity) to function at the social and artistic levels. In the case of Emmelhainz, Sánchez Prado engages with the author's idea of semiocapitalism, a term borrowed from theorist Franco “Bifo” Berardi, which Emmelhainz deploys to account for the interrelation between culture and capital in the era of neoliberalism. As such, Sánchez Prado argues, Emmelhainz and Valencia provide ways of reading artistic and visual production, including museum curatorship and narcocultura, in ways that show their organic relationship to neoliberal economic and political reforms. Find the complete article at artmargins.com .


Author(s):  
Joshua Clark Davis

Chapter three examines countercultural entrepreneurs who sold paraphernalia for enhancing LSD trips or for smoking marijuana at small stores called head shops. Head shop owners hoped their stores would provide hippies with desperately needed public spaces where they could gather in peace without being harassed. More importantly, these entrepreneurs believed their products allowed people to alter their minds – and even their societies – through meaningful drug use. In addition, many head shops collaborated with a small but growing movement to undermine, reform, and eradicate America’s drug laws, while also supporting the anti-war movement. Yet as head shops became increasingly popular, law enforcement, legislators, and parents’ groups assailed them as promoters of a dangerous drug culture with no redeeming social or political value. These attacks on head shops represented one of the first salvos in the cultural and legislative War on Drugs that would escalate in the 1980s.


2019 ◽  
pp. 590-613
Author(s):  
David Omand

This chapter examines digital intelligence and international views on its future regulation and reform. The chapter summarizes the lead up to the Snowden revelations in terms of how digital intelligence grew in response to changing demands and was enabled by private sector innovation and mediated through legal, Parliamentary and executive regulation. A common set of ethical principles based on human rights considerations to govern modern intelligence activity (both domestic and external) is proposed in the chapter. A three-layer model of security activity on the Internet is used: securing the use of the Internet for everyday economic and social life and for political and military affairs; the activity of law enforcement attempting to manage criminal threats on the Internet; and the work of secret intelligence and security agencies exploiting the Internet to gain information on their targets, including in support of law enforcement.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory G. Grecco ◽  
R. Andrew Chambers

AbstractIn 1939, British psychiatrist Lionel Penrose described an inverse relationship between mental health treatment infrastructure and criminal incarcerations. This relationship, later termed the ‘Penrose Effect’, has proven remarkably predictive of modern trends which have manifested as reciprocal components, referred to as ‘deinstitutionalization’ and ‘mass incarceration’. In this review, we consider how a third dynamic—the criminalization of addiction via the ‘War on Drugs’, although unanticipated by Penrose, has likely amplified the Penrose Effect over the last 30 years, with devastating social, economic, and healthcare consequences. We discuss how synergy been the Penrose Effect and the War on Drugs has been mediated by, and reflects, a fundamental neurobiological connection between the brain diseases of mental illness and addiction. This neuroscience of dual diagnosis, also not anticipated by Penrose, is still not being adequately translated into improving clinical training, practice, or research, to treat patients across the mental illness-addictions comorbidity spectrum. This failure in translation, and the ongoing fragmentation and collapse of behavioral healthcare, has worsened the epidemic of untreated mental illness and addictions, while driving unsustainable government investment into mass incarceration and high-cost medical care that profits too exclusively on injuries and multi-organ diseases resulting from untreated addictions. Reversing the fragmentation and decline of behavioral healthcare with decisive action to co-integrate mental health and addiction training, care, and research—may be key to ending criminalization of mental illness and addiction, and refocusing the healthcare system on keeping the population healthy at the lowest possible cost.


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