scholarly journals Reshaping relations between the state and the private sector post-COVID-19? Exploring the social licence framework

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 87-113
Author(s):  
Emma Borg ◽  
Charlotte Unruh

During the COVID-19 pandemic governments across the globe have provided unparalleled support to private sector firms. As a result, new oversight mechanisms are urgently needed, to enable society to assess and, if necessary, redress, moves by firms which have taken government aid. Many jurisdictions have seen the introduction of �piecemeal� conditionality on different pots of aid. This paper argues that a better response would be to adopt a more unified approach. In particular, the paper explores the social licence framework as a potential way to �build back better�. It is argued that the nature of the implicit social contract between society and the private sector provides the normative force underpinning demands for a social purpose for business, and that this purpose in turn can be used to specify the conditions firms must meet to legitimise their operations. The paper then considers three core elements involved in any introduction of a social licence framework, and surveys the potential benefits and challenges that might emerge in moving towards a social licence framework.

Author(s):  
Zoe Beenstock

Coleridge wrote frequently about Rousseau throughout his varied career. His early lectures and letters draw on Rousseau’s critique of luxury and frequently allude to the general will, depicting Rousseau as a Christ-like figure. Coleridge’s subsequent disappointment with Pantisocracy led him to reject Rousseau and the social contract. Comparing Rousseau to Luther in The Friend, Coleridge argues that Rousseau’s unhappiness arises from a conflict between an age of individualism and an ongoing need for community. According to Coleridge, poetry tolerates this conflict better than philosophy. In ‘Reflections on Having Left a Place of Retirement’ Coleridge suggests that social retreat offers illusory solace from war and social crisis. He critiques the state of nature, sympathy, and even religion for failing to balance the self with its environment. Thematically and formally The Rime of the Ancient Mariner explores this crisis in cohering systems. Through the mariner’s relationship to the albatross, the wedding that frames the poem, and episodes of the supernatural that disrupt the ballad form, Coleridge defines a breaking point between the individual and general wills.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-166
Author(s):  
Eric Nsuh Zuhmboshi

Abstract The relationship that exists between the state and her citizens has been described by Jean Jacques Rousseau as “a social contract.” In this contractual agreement, citizens are bound to respect state authority while the state, in turn, has the bounden duty to protect her citizens and guide them in their aspirations. In fact, any state that does not perform this duty is guilty of violating the fundamental rights of her citizens. This, however, is not the case in most postcolonial societies where the citizens see the state as an aggressive apparatus against their wellbeing because the state is not fulfilling its own part of the social contract, which requires them to protect the citizens and guide them in their aspirations. This unfortunate situation has laid the foundation for protest and anti-establishment writings in post-colonial societies – especially in Africa. Since literature, as a semiotic resource, is coterminous with its socio-political context, this attitude of the state has drawn inimical criticism from key postcolonial African writers such as Chinua Achebe, Wole Soyinka, Ngugi wa Thiong’o, Mongo Beti, and Nadine Gordimer. Using Helon Habila’s Waiting for an Angel and John Nkemngong Nkengasong’s Across the Mongolo, this essay shows the relationship between state-terrorism and the traumatic conditions of the citizens in contemporary Africa. From the perspective of trauma theory, the essay defends the premise that the postcolonial subjects/characters, in the novels under study, are traumatized and depressed because of their continuous victimization by the state. Due to this state-imposed terror and hardship, the citizens are forced to indulge in political agitation, radicalism and violence in response to their destitute and impoverished conditions.


The two centuries after 1800 witnessed a series of sweeping changes in the way in which Britain was governed, the duties of the state, and its role in the wider world. Powerful processes—from the development of democracy to the changing nature of the social contract, war, and economic dislocation—have challenged, and at times threatened to overwhelm, both governors and governed. Such shifts have also posed problems for the historians who have researched and written about Britain’s past politics. This volume shows the ways in which political historians have responded, and provides a snapshot of a field which has long been at the forefront of conceptual and methodological innovation within historical studies. It comprises thirty-three thematic essays written by leading and emerging scholars in the field. Collectively, these essays assess and rethink the nature of modern British political history itself, and suggest avenues and questions for future research. The Oxford Handbook of Modern British Political History thus provides a unique resource for those who wish to understand Britain’s political past and a thought-provoking ‘long view’ for those interested in current political challenges.


2021 ◽  
pp. 59-84
Author(s):  
Jean-Michel Johnston

This chapter highlights the collaboration between individuals in state institutions and the private sector during the 1840s in Bremen, Bavaria, Prussia, and Austria. Earlier expectations for the potential of telegraphy were confronted with the sobering reality of technological development. On the one hand, the efforts of the state, scientists, and railway companies were supported by the increasingly free circulation of technical knowledge between institutions, experts, and private citizens scattered across the German ‘landscape of innovation’. This circulation is illustrated by an examination of various technical periodicals, while the example of Werner Siemens, a Prussian lieutenant posted in Berlin, is used to illustrate the social connections which also often supported these exchanges of information. On the other hand, the period also witnessed an accentuation of the tensions between and within the private sector and the state, as the latter sought to establish its own interest in obtaining the technology. This combination of necessary collaboration and disagreement caused frustrations which, by 1847, threatened to stall the process of development.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Dadang Suprijatna

Human rights as a barometer of the law in its formation is to see from the social phenomena that grow and develop in society that gave birth to social contract. Society is understood as the unity of separate individuals who build a personal bond before the emergence of society itself. The state's form of responsibility to its people is to create opportunities for people to gain their rights, as a form of contribution to the people as legitimate owners. The State can no longer ignore any form of any popular will, it is a Right that must be protected and gained great influence from other societies, including the international community globally, which can ultimately affect and / or become a barometer of globalization. Globalization is portrayed as increasing interconnection and social interdependence, politics, economy, law and culture of society behavior, but globalization has also resulted in diminishing the virtue of nation state even an important phenomenon that can not be avoided by anyone, any nation and any country, including Society, nation and state of Indonesia. For that it is fitting for the people and the Indonesian nation to be wary of the growth and development of Globalization that can damage the Mission of Pancasila as the Reject Measure the life of nation and state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-145
Author(s):  
Arshad

Gamal Abdel Nasser established the praetorian regime in 1952. Nasser ruled Egypt with the ‘party-state’ system to maintain the ‘social contract’ between the state and the Egyptians. The government thrived on the patrimonial relationship and de-politicization of the population. The ‘Egyptian upheaval’ in 2011 sought the protection of individuals’ rights, equality, and freedom against the military-led praetorian regime. A short-democratic experiment led to the arrival of Islamist majority rule in Egypt under the leadership of President Mohammed Morsi. The liberal-secular oppositions and the military removed President Morsi because Islamists failed to achieve the protesters’ aspirations. Egyptians supported the military’s rule that led to the election of General Abdel Fatah al-Sisi as President of Egypt. Fatah al-Sisi shifted the dynamics of government from ‘party-state’ to ‘ruler-arbiter’ praetorian rule that centralized the authority and power under his leadership through military domination to counter the Islamists and revolutionary aspirations. The research explains the causality behind the Egyptian military's intervention in politics, structuring of the praetorian regime in Egypt; the return of military praetorianism after the removal of President Hosni Mubarak; the rise of the Sisi as ‘ruler-arbiter’ and its implications on the democratization process. The paper’s method is explanatory to study the ‘structural’ (military) and ‘agential’ (Sisi’s rule) factors to determine the causes of establishing the praetorian ‘ruler-arbiter’ type Sisi’s regime. The approach to examine the ruler-arbiter phenomenon is the ‘actor-centric’ instead of the ‘mechanistic’ to understand the praetorian rule in Egypt. The research finds that the rise of the ‘ruler-arbiter’ regime under the leadership of the Sisi, caused by the military-established praetorian authority and President Sisi's choices and decisions, led to the failure of the democratization in Egypt.


Author(s):  
Aaron James

To invest in a foreign country is to take a gamble for profit. To take a gamble for profit is to assume the risk of suffering a loss, with a certain upshot for one’s rights. In assuming the risk voluntarily, one forgoes any claim to be compensated, should one’s luck go south. Investor treaties increasingly grant foreign investors a right to be compensated for losses due to new state regulation. This chapter argues that certain ideas of “investor rights” exhibit a confusion about the very nature of an investment and about the social relations of international trade that give risk-taking its social purpose. The argument develops both utilitarian and social contract theory positions, and challenges appeals to investor natural rights, especially natural promissory rights.


2015 ◽  
Vol 223 ◽  
pp. 702-723 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jude Howell

AbstractRelations between the state and labour NGOs in China have been particularly fraught. In 2012, they took an interesting turn when some local governments made overtures to labour NGOs to cooperate in providing services to migrant workers. This article argues that this shift is part of a broader strategy of “welfarist incorporation” to redraw the social contract between state and labour. There are two key elements to this strategy: first, a relaxation of the registration regulations for social organizations, and second, governmental purchasing of services from social organizations. These overtures have both a state and market logic to maintain social control and stabilize relations of production.


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