scholarly journals Los partidos y la desafección política: propuestas desde el campo del Derecho constitucional = Political Parties and Political Disaffection: Proposals from the field of Constitutional Law

Author(s):  
Óscar Sánchez Muñoz

The phenomenon of political disaffection reflects the crisis of representativeness that democratic institutions are going through. Faced with this phenomenon, in this article we analyze the main dysfunctions that occur in the representative relationship and suggest possible solutions from the field of constitutional law. Major objectives of the proposed reforms are democratization of political parties, recovery of Parliament’s political centrality, and creation of new direct participation channels for citizens and organized civil society. El fenómeno de la desafección política refleja la existencia de una crisis de representatividad de las instituciones democráticas. Ante este fenómeno, en el presente trabajo se analizan las principales disfuncionalidades que se dan en la relación representativa y las posibles soluciones que desde el campo del Derecho constitucional pueden contribuir a resolverlas. Las reformas que se proponen plantean como grandes objetivos la democratización de los partidos políticos, la recuperación de la centralidad política del Parlamento y la creación de nuevos canales de participación directa para los ciudadanos y la sociedad civil organizada.

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 25-43
Author(s):  
Alberto Vergara ◽  
Aaron Watanabe

Peru’s posttransition democracy presents a paradox: presidents have remained unpopular despite presiding over a period in which democratic institutions strengthened and the economy grew rapidly. O’Donnell’s work on delegative democracy suggests that the Peruvian paradox results from weak vertical accountability. Since Peru’s return to democracy, parties and civil society have been too weak to hold elected leaders accountable. Furthermore, presidents have faced opposition to reform from entrenched neoliberal technocrats. With no one holding them accountable and little capacity to govern, presidents have chosen to delegate decision-making authority to technocrats. Even when leaders have won office on reformist platforms, continuity has prevailed, and citizens have lost trust in their elected leaders. The origins of the Peruvian paradox and weak vertical accountability can be traced to the destruction of the institutional and organizational foundations of democracy in the 1990s under Alberto Fujimori’s authoritarian regime. La democracia pos-transición en Perú presenta una paradoja: los presidentes siguen siendo impopulares a pesar de presidir un período en el que las instituciones democráticas se fortalecieron y la economía creció rápidamente. El trabajo de O’Donnell sobre la demo-cracia delegativa sugiere que la paradoja peruana resulta de una débil rendición de cuentas vertical. Desde el retorno de Perú a la democracia, los partidos y la sociedad civil han sido demasiado débiles para responsabilizar a los líderes electos. Además, los presidentes han enfrentado la oposición a la reforma de tecnócratas neoliberales atrincherados. Sin que nadie los responsabilice y con poca capacidad para gobernar, los presidentes han optado por delegar la autoridad en la toma de decisiones a los tecnócratas. Incluso cuando los líderes han sido eligidos en plataformas reformistas, la continuidad ha prevalecido y los ciudadanos han perdido la confianza en sus líderes electos. Los orígenes de la paradoja peruana y la débil rendición de cuentas vertical se remonta a la destrucción de los cimientos institucionales y organizativos de la democracia en la década de 1990 bajo el régimen autoritario de Alberto Fujimori.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-144
Author(s):  
Mphonyane Rakhare ◽  
Tania Coetzee

The article acknowledges that Lesotho governance has been characterised by unstable democracy since its attainment of independence in 1966, which makes civil society and other democratic institutions unable to pursue their roles as expected. The proposed solution to overcome predicaments that Lesotho faces was to have active and vibrant democratic institutions such as civil societies, ombudsman, political parties, independent media, independent electoral commissions and the legislative, executive and judiciary. The article aims to bridge the gap by examining published literature and documentary review, which clearly elucidate how good governance can be achieved in a democratic country with the help of active democratic institutions. The article highlights the importance of active and vibrant civil society in governance and public policy. The article concludes by justifying that in deed the government of Lesotho should accept and allow participation of civil society so as to be able to realise its contribution and the important role played by it. Also, civil society in Lesotho must distance themselves from suspicions that they are political parties in disguise.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrián Albala ◽  
Victor Tricot Salomon

Chile has witnessed an unprecedented emergence of social movements since the return to democracy in 1990. These have been characterized by limited participation by the conventional political actors who used to be the backbone of social demands in the country. In the current “Chilean model” of governance, political parties have lost their connection with their base. The existence of a difference between the needs emerging from civil society and those advanced by politicians has opened alternative opportunities for political action. Chile ha sido testigo de una emergencia inédita de movilizaciones sociales desde la vuelta a la democracia en 1990. Éstas se han caracterizado por la baja presencia y participación de actores políticos convencionales los cuales solían constituir la “columna vertebral” de las demandas sociales en el país. En el “modelo chileno” actual de gobernanza, los partidos, por más institucionalizados que sean, han abandonado su vinculación con su base. La existencia de un distanciamiento entre las necesidades que emergen desde la sociedad civil y las manifestadas por los políticos ha incidido en la aparición de espacios alternos de acción política.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 364-380
Author(s):  
Antônio Emanuel dos' Santos Silva ◽  
Matheus Silveira Pinheiro ◽  
Davis Pereira de Paula

Ambientalmente as dunas frontais constituem estruturas verdes de proteção costeira contra o avanço do mar, em muitos casos, são responsáveis pela manutenção do equilíbrio sedimentar do sistema praia-duna, impedindo que processos como a erosão costeira e a inundação marinha se tornem danosos a sociedade civil e ao patrimônio construído. O objetivo deste estudo foi monitorar as variações morfológicas e sedimentares do sistema praia-duna entre os anos de 2016 e 2018, no trecho extremo oeste da Praia do Icaraí, através da determinação das taxas granulométricas, volumétricas e morfológicas do sistema praia-duna na Praia do Icaraí. Os procedimentos metodológicos foram divididos em três etapas principais: levantamento bibliográfico, geocartográfico e experimentos de campo. Considerou-se que as forçantes oceanográficas foram as principais responsáveis pela erosão e solapamento das dunas frontais presentes na área de estudo. Em linhas gerais, os resultados deste trabalho significam um importante instrumento de análise dos impactos das condicionantes oceanográficas e antrópicas sobre uma praia que sofre de erosão costeira acentuada. O estudo em um trecho mais preservado dessa praia indicou de forma direta os impactos sofridos em um litoral que vem passando por transformações contínuas em suas praias, como é o caso do litoral de Caucaia.Palavras-chave: Morfodinâmica; Sistema Praial; Dunas Frontais. ABSTRACTEnvironmentally the frontal dunes constitute green structures of coastal protection against the advance of the sea, in many cases, they are responsible for the maintenance of the sedimentary balance of the beach-dune system, preventing that processes such as coastal erosion and marine flooding become harmful to civil society and built heritage. The objective of this study was to monitor the morphological and sedimentary variations of the beach-dune system between the years 2016 and 2018, in the extreme west section of Icaraí Beach, by determining the granulometric, volumetric and morphological rates of the beach-dune system in Praia of Icaraí. The methodological procedures were divided into three main stages: bibliographic survey, geocartographic and field experiments. It was considered that the oceanographic forcings were the main responsible for the erosion and overlap of the frontal dunes present in the study area. In general terms, the results of this work represent an important instrument for analyzing the impacts of oceanographic and anthropogenic conditions on a beach that suffers from marked coastal erosion. The study in a more preserved stretch of this beach indicated in a direct way the impacts suffered on a coast that has undergone continuous transformations in its beaches, as is the case of the coast of Caucaia.Keywords: Morphodynamics; Praial System; Fore Dunes. RESUMENAmbientalmente, las dunas frontales son estructuras verdes de protección costera contra el avance del mar. En muchos casos, son responsables de mantener el equilibrio sedimentario del sistema de dunas de playa, evitando que procesos como la erosión costera y las inundaciones marinas dañen a la sociedad civil. y el patrimonio construido. El objetivo de este estudio fue monitorear las variaciones morfológicas y sedimentarias del sistema de dunas de playa entre 2016 y 2018, en el extremo occidental de Praia do Icaraí, determinando el tamaño de partícula, las tasas volumétricas y morfológicas del sistema de dunas de playa en Praia de Icaraí Los procedimientos metodológicos se dividieron en tres etapas principales: estudio bibliográfico, geocartográfico y experimentos de campo. El forzamiento oceanográfico se consideró el principal responsable de la erosión y el debilitamiento de las dunas frontales presentes en el área de estudio. En general, los resultados de este trabajo representan un instrumento importante para analizar los impactos de las condiciones oceanográficas y antropogénicas en una playa que sufre una severa erosión costera. El estudio en un tramo más preservado de esta playa indicó directamente los impactos sufridos en una costa que ha sufrido cambios continuos en sus playas, como es el caso de la costa de Caucaia.Palabras claves: Morfodinámica; Sistema de playa; Dunas frontales.


2020 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2097501
Author(s):  
Efrén Orozco López ◽  
Leonardo Nicolás González Torres

The indigenous community of Acteal in the highlands of Chiapas, Mexico, has been subject to both direct and structural violence in the form of the massacre that took place there in 1997 and the impunity that has persisted ever since. In response to the violence, the community has constructed political, social, and cultural alternatives through the movement known as the Las Abejas of Acteal Civil Society Organization. Its reconstruction of the social fabric has included participation in assembies, volunteer work for the collective, exchange of experiences, food production for subsistence, a solidarity economy, and the systematization and sharing of experiences. La comunidad indígena de Acteal en las tierras altas de Chiapas, México, ha sido objeto de violencia tanto directa y estructural a partir de la masacre que tuvo lugar allí en 1997, así como la impunidad que ha persistido desde entonces. En respuesta a la violencia, la comunidad ha construido alternativas políticas, sociales y culturales a través del movimiento conocido como Organización Sociedad Civil Las Abejas de Acteal. Su reconstrucción del tejido social ha incluido la participación en asambleas, el voluntariado para el colectivo, el intercambio de experiencias, la producción de alimentos para subsistencia, una economía solidaria, y la sistematización e intercambio de experiencias.


2021 ◽  
pp. 107769902199864
Author(s):  
Iskander De Bruycker ◽  
Matthijs Rooduijn

This article conceives of populist communication as a contextually dependent political strategy. We bridge actor- and communication-centered approaches by arguing that the context of issues conditions the extent to which parties employ populist communication. We draw from a content analysis of 2,085 news stories in eight news media outlets and Eurobarometer data connected to 41 EU policy issues and analyze statements from 85 political parties. Our findings show that populist parties are more prone to express populism on salient and polarized issues. Issues important to civil society groups, in contrast, make non-populist parties more inclined to express such communication.


2003 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Kampwirth

This article analyzes the campaign of Nicaraguan president Arnoldo Alemán (1997–2002) against organized competitors, what has been called his war against the nongovernmental organizations, or NGOs. Alemán's attacks on the NGO sector are shown to be consistent with the logic of the new populism in Latin America. At the same time, his choice of targets—prominent NGO figures who were often foreign-born and always female—must be explained with reference to the specifics of Nicaraguan civil society and its evolving relationship with the political parties. This study argues that by choosing to respond to the challenges of international neoliberalism and local feminism through the anti-NGO campaign, Alemán helped to weaken democracy in Nicaragua.


Significance Research by Thomas Piketty shows that a form of free-market ideology has been a key driver of rising income inequality since the 1980s. The airing of alternative ideas, the challenge of decarbonising economies and the potential for the COVID-19 crisis to reset politics raise the prospect of a paradigm shift. Impacts In much of the global South, borrowing constraints and obstacles to taxing the wealthy will make redistribution harder. Strengthening democratic institutions may be as important as strengthening pro-equity political parties to advance redistributive agendas. Political parties in OECD nations have focused on ‘identity’ issues since the 1980s; COVID-19 is bringing redistribution back to the fore.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-82
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Guczalska

Wolfgang Merkel’s concept of rooted democracy in the context of contemporary populism and the crisis of democracy: The article presents the concept of “rooted democracy” by Wolf‐ gang Merkel, which was presented in the context of the democratic crisis. The German poli‐ tical scientist indicates what democracy is — specifying the proper functioning of the regula‐ tions of the democratic system (regimes). Speaking of the weakness or strength of democracy, we must have a well‐described set of system principles that determine the degree of strength of democracy or its erosion. The above set of principles of the democratic system is thoroughly discussed in the article. In particular, the functional model of civil society is analysed. The text also explores how the crisis of democracy is understood and Merkel’s view of the impact of global capitalism on democratic institutions, which contributes to the transformation of democracy into an oligarchy. The topics discussed in the article also concern alternative, non‐ ‐liberal forms of democracy and populism. The question is whether Merkel’s concept is useful in explaining populism and its political consequences.


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