Presidential Term Limits in Nicaragua

Author(s):  
David Close

Nicaragua is better known for its dictators and revolutions than for its experience with constitutional government. Yet Nicaragua has employed presidential term limits just over half of the time since becoming independent in 1821. Unfortunately, all these efforts were rolled back and the right to unlimited re-election restored. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the change was by coup or revolution, in the twenty-first by constitutional amendment. This chapter examines the four longest-lived examples of Nicaraguan presidential term limits to determine why they were adopted, how they worked, why they were abandoned, and what consequences the rollbacks brought. Although distinct factors were at work in each case, there is one underlying factor common to all: a preference for personal rule among large parts of both the political elite and the citizenry as a whole.

1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. J. O. Dudley

In the debate on the Native Authority (Amendment) Law of 1955, the late Premier of the North, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, replying to the demand that ‘it is high time in the development of local government systems in this Region that obsolete and undemocratic ways of appointing Emirs’ Councils should close’, commented that ‘the right traditions that we have gone away from are the cutting off of the hands of thieves, and that has caused a lot of thieving in this country. Why should we not be cutting (off) the hands of thieves in order to reduce thieving? That is logical and it is lawful in our tradition and custom here.’ This could be read as a defence against social change, a recrudescence of ‘barbarism’ after the inroads of pax Britannica, and a plea for the retention of the status quo and the entrenched privilege of the political elite.


Author(s):  
Josep M.ª Castellá Andreu

En este estudio se pasa revista a las cinco sentencias dictadas por el Tribunal Constitucional entre 2014 y 2015 en relación con el proceso secesionista iniciado en Cataluña en 2012. Buena parte de las impugnaciones siguen el procedimiento del artículo 161 CE y Título V LOTC y versan unas sobre la constitucionalidad de dos resoluciones aprobadas por el Parlamento de Cataluña en las que se plantea el derecho a decidir, el carácter soberano del pueblo de Cataluña y el inicio del proceso político y de un proceso constituyente, y las otras sobre la regulación y aplicación de los instrumentos para llevar a cabo el proceso secesionista seguido hasta ahora: una llamada consulta popular no referendaria y un proceso de participación ciudadana. Las sentencias advierten contradicciones con la Constitución de las normas y actos impugnados tanto de carácter sustantivo como de orden competencial. Para el Tribunal la reforma constitucional es ineludible a la hora de afrontar el proceso secesionista con respeto al ordenamiento jurídico. Se concluye que el Tribunal en las diferentes sentencias emitidas otorga distinta relevancia a las exigencias de la democracia pluralista y a las de la democracia constitucional.The essay deals with the five rulings dictated by the Constitutional Court in 2014-15 in relation with the secessionist process started in Catalonia in 2012. Most of the cases follow the procedure of section 161.2 Spanish Constitution and Title V of the Organic Law of the Constitutional Court. They are focused on i) the constitutionality of two resolutions passed by the Catalan Parliament on the right to decide, the sovereignty of Catalan people and the beginning of the political and constituent processes and ii) the regulation and exercise of the instruments to reach the secessionist process followed until now: a so-called popular consultation without referendum and a participatory process. The rulings take into account the contradiction of the norms and acts contested with the Constitution, in both substantive and allocation of powers perspectives. For the Court the constitutional amendment is ineluctable to confront the secessionist process. We conclude that the Constitutional Court assumes in the different rulings differently the obligations of a pluralist and of a constitutional democracy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seán Molloy

Primarily known as a pioneer of International Relations (IR) theory, Hans Morgenthau also wrote on a series of other political themes. Especially prominent in his later career is a concern with the right and duty of a theorist to exercise academic freedom as a critic of government power and, especially in this particular case, of US foreign policy. For Morgenthau the responsibility to hold governments to account by reference to the ‘higher laws’ that underpin and legitimize democracy in its truest form was a key function of the theorist in society. Dissensus and healthy debate characterize genuine democracy for Morgenthau who was perturbed by what he perceived to be a worrying concern with conformity and consensus among the political and academic elites of Vietnam War era America. This article investigates the theoretical and philosophical commitments that explain why Morgenthau felt compelled to oppose the government of his adopted state and the consequences of his having done so. For all the vicissitudes he endured, Morgenthau ultimately emerged vindicated from his clash with the political elite and his experience serves as an exemplary case of the effective use of academic freedom to oppose government policy by means of balanced, judicious critique. In the final section I argue that Morgenthau’s approach to theory, theorization and the role of the intellectual in society provides valuable insights into the nature of reflexivity in IR that are of relevance to contemporary debates in the discipline.


Author(s):  
Shannon McSheffrey

Seeking Sanctuary explores a curious aspect of premodern English law: the right of felons to shelter in a church or ecclesiastical precinct, remaining safe from arrest and trial in the king’s courts. This is the first book in more than a century to examine sanctuary in England in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Looking anew at this subject challenges the prevailing assumptions in the scholarship that this ‘medieval’ practice had become outmoded and little used by the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Although for decades after 1400 sanctuary-seeking was indeed fairly rare, the evidence in the legal records shows the numbers of felons seeking refuge in churches began to climb again in the late fifteenth century and reached its peak in the period between 1525 and 1535. Sanctuary was not so much a medieval dinosaur accidentally surviving into the early modern era, as it was an organism that had continued to evolve and adapt to new environments and indeed flourished in its adapted state. Sanctuary suited the early Tudor regime: it intersected with rapidly developing ideas about jurisdiction and provided a means of mitigating the harsh capital penalties of the English law of felony that was useful not only to felons but also to the crown and the political elite. Sanctuary’s resurgence after 1480 means we need to rethink how sanctuary worked, and to reconsider more broadly the intersections of culture, law, politics, and religion in the century and a half between 1400 and 1550.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-244
Author(s):  
Putri Wulansari

Maaruf Amin As we know, it is the Chairman of the MUI (Indonesian Ulema Council) as well as the political elite among the Nadhiyin community. Surely he has an appeal in targeting Muslim voters. Moreover, NU, which is the largest Islamic mass organization in Indonesia, opened a wide road to the Jokowi-Maaruf Amin pair, strolling towards the Palace. Choosing and choosing or declaring their ideological or political choices is a part of human rights that cannot be contested, so that the involvement of ulamas in politics both as council and regional and central leaders is legitimate. However, when this involvement is placed in the context of practical politics or identity politics that can threaten the harmony of the life of the nation in the framework of diversity and unity. So the terminology of ulama and political secularization will be the right to realize the humanized and civilized Indonesia. Considering that ulama (Islam), pastors and other religious leaders have a role as spiritual teachers, they should focus on educating the nation not to be easily dragged into the heat of politics or identity politics, instead of competing to declare their support to make it a political fatwa. instead it fools and injures democracy and political rights of others.   Keywords: Politics, Secularization, Ulama


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 174
Author(s):  
Lívia Da Silva Ferreira

<p class="Standard"><strong>RESUMO:</strong></p><p class="Standard"><strong></strong> O modelo francês serviu por anos como único exemplo no qual o controle de constitucionalidade era realizado de maneira preventiva. Em 2008 foi aprovada uma Lei Constitucional com o intuito de modernizar as instituições políticas da França, na qual estava incluída a criação do controle de constitucionalidade <em>a posteriori</em>, que mais tarde foi chamado de Questão Prioritária de Constitucionalidade - QPC. Esse mecanismo tem com principal objetivo conferir aos particulares a prerrogativa de contestar a constitucionalidade de um dispositivo legal que julguem ser violador de seus direitos e liberdades garantidos constitucionalmente. O presente trabalho tem como objetivo efetuar uma breve análise dos fatores que antecederam e influenciaram a reforma supracitada, além apontar consequências e dos efeitos gerados pela criação da QPC no direito francês.</p><p class="Standard" align="left"> </p><p class="Standard"><strong>ABSTRACT:</strong></p><p class="Standard"><strong> </strong>The French system of judicial review is very specific and for years was used as an example of the only system in which the compatibility exam between laws and the Constitution was performed preventively. In 2008 a constitutional amendment was approved in attempt to modernize the political institutions of France. One of its modernizing measures was the judicial review <em>a posteriori</em>, that later was called Priority Question of Constitutionality or priority preliminary rulings on the issue of constitutionality – QPC. This mechanism aims to confer on individuals the right to challenge the constitutionality of a legal provision they deem to be violating their constitutionally guaranteed rights and freedoms. The main goal of this essay is examine the factors that preceded and influenced this reform and the effects and consequences caused by QPC in French Law.</p><p class="Standard"><strong> </strong></p>


2019 ◽  
pp. 21-32
Author(s):  
Nadiia STENGACH

Among the regulatory and communicative mechanisms of power establishment in the Ukrainian Cossack state is the leading propensity for legal solution of social and political issues — both in the environment of the elite and between the elite and subordinate strata. In the context of court proceedings, it is necessary to highlight the tendency to ensure adversarial process between the plaintiff and the defendant, to create the respondent’s conditions for defense, to direct the court’s work not only to punish, but also to restore justice, to judge impartially and collectively. All this meant rejection of Russian legal norms, which legitimized the «right of the strong». The focus on the impassive legal process was extrapolated to manifestations of both domestic and foreign policy. First of all, this was reflected in the rejection of political actions based on military pressure and coercion, which were recognized as illegitimate ones. In the domestic political aspect, there was the emphasized trend towards constitutional methods of regulating public life. In particular, state institutions purposefully created legal norms in those spheres of public activity where tradition was no longer able to regulate them. In the political and cultural life of the Cossacks’ elite, we also see a clearly defined tendency to regulate legally relations between the participants of the political process. The views formed within such limits denied arbitrariness as a method of solving social and legal problems. However, it should be noted that within the framework of judicial and legal practice of the time, such notions were practically not implemented. The institutional mechanisms of state decision making evolved from the General Council to the Council of General Officer Staff, and then to the representative institution of Ukrainian society — the Sejm. In the evolution of mechanisms for administrative positions, there is a clear tendency to oust the election process and replace it with kinship and clientela relations within the Cossacks’ elite. Nevertheless, the electorate tendencies in the Cossack class remained at the lowest levels of the administrative hierarchy until the decay of the Ukrainian Cossack state. This was due to the fact that the political elite of Hetmanshchyna resisted Russian attempts to interfere with the filling of state posts in Left Bank Ukraine, as well as due to the confrontation of officer groups for dominance over local governments. With the acceptance of ideas of the nobles’ republic by the General Officer Staff, we observe a new strengthening of the electorate institution. Asserting power among representatives of their own social class, the Cossacks’ elite tended to maintain a balance between encouragement and punishment. As for the subordinate classes, the propensity to use punishment and coercion was much more pronounced. There was, however, a marked tendency towards the legislative regulation of the force use. At the political and cultural level, arbitrariness had never been recognized as the lawful actions. Besides, it was not necessary for the Cossacks’ elite to resort to violence to persuade; the pressure of public opinion often was enough.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-31
Author(s):  
Husni Mubaroq ◽  
Sohibul Watoni ◽  
Zairotul Hasanah

The concept of decentralization is the authority of the government that is delegated to the regions, including the authority of personnel in accordance with the decentralized functions. The regional head has the task of being a coach of the State Civil Apparatus in the concept of decentralization. There was a case that the Mayor of Probolinggo issued a decree to remove Tutang Heri Aribowo, who served as an Expert Staff at the Regional Secretariat of the City of Probolinggo. The Regional Government as a civil servant coach tends to abuse its authority. This happens because there is the influence of the political elite in giving disciplinary punishment to employees. The author wants to describe the problem in a study that uses descriptive analytical methods, namely descriptions of the facts and characteristics of a particular population or area in a systematic, factual and thorough manner. The data in this study collected materials by means of a library study. This study also uses a normative juridical method with a statutory approach. So that in this study we know the legal basics of this problem. In order to know the proper process and institution related to the case problem. This aims at employee disputes on the right track and there is no arbitrariness by the ASN supervisor. Keywords: Employment Disputes, Authority, Personnel Advisor


1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (04) ◽  
pp. 585-587
Author(s):  
Margery L. Elfin

The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) is not the first failed attempt to amend the U.S. Constitution to make the political power of women more equal to that of men. Nor was the first failure connected with the so-called Women's Suffrage Amendment which was ratified in 1920. Rather, it occurred 50 years and four successful amendments earlier. Despite the determined efforts of a small group of women, the Fifteenth Amendment guaranteed the right of all male citizens to vote regardless of “race, color, or previous condition of servitude” but left out women altogether.It would be foolhardy to draw neat parallels between the experiences of activist women at two times as different as 1870 and the present. Nonetheless, it can be an instructive exercise.Americans have always been suspicious of elites, and criticism leveled at the leadership of the ERA reflects that attitude. It would be unlikely, however, for amassmovement to be the propelling force behind a constitutional amendment. Looking back at the struggle over the Fifteenth Amendment, we see that a small band of educated, upper-middle-class women fought for the inclusion of women. That those women were perceived as an elite does seem to have hurt their cause. Similarly, the ERA's chances may have been damaged by a perception that its chief proponents were not typical American women.Yet, the political culture of the time is clearly of greatest importance in determining an amendment's passage. In 1870 the barriers to acceptance of women as leaders were so great that even communicating their views was no easy task for the early suffragettes. The culture was resistant to women “speaking out.”


2014 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marloes Deene

In the early fourth centurybc, a slave of possibly Phoenician origin, called Pasion, was owned by the Athenian bankers Antisthenes and Archestratos (Dem. 36.43). During the course of his slavery, Pasion quickly rose to become the trusted manager of his owners' money-changing and banking firm in Piraeus. After having been manumitted (Dem. 36.48), he took over the running of this bank (Isocr. 17,passim), became a very successful banker, and established a shield factory. His businesses prospered to the extent that by the time of his death in 370/369 he had assembled a fortune estimated at around 70 talents. With this money, Pasion made a number of generous benefactions to the Athenians, as a reward for which the Athenians passed a decree in his favour granting him a gold crown and the right of citizenship to him and his descendants ([Dem.] 59.2). As soon as he received his grant of citizenship, Pasion started to make use of his citizen rights and invested in real property. Although he was probably never actively involved in politics, he is known to have been a close friend of several members of the political elite, such as Agyrrhius of Collyte (Isocr. 17.31) and Callistratus of Aphnida (Dem. 49.47). Moreover, he had dealings with important public figures, such as Timotheus, son of Conon (Dem. 49,passim).


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