scholarly journals La barrera legal en las elecciones al Congreso de los Diputados y su posible reforma

2020 ◽  
pp. 233
Author(s):  
Joan Oliver Araujo
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Autonomous Region ◽  
The Real ◽  
Lower House

Este trabajo analiza la «barrera electoral» o «cláusula de exclusión» establecida por ley para las elecciones al Congreso de los Diputados (el tres por ciento de los votos válidos emitidos en la circunscripción). Tras estudiar el alcance y efectividad real de esta barrera, así como las consecuencias de incluir los «votos en blanco» dentro de los «votos válidos», nos preguntamos sobre los motivos que justificaron (durante la Transición Política) y siguen justificando (en la actualidad) la aplicación de una barrera electoral «casi» ineficaz. Por último, analizamos las tres propuestas de reforma de dicha cláusula (para que deje de tener carácter ornamental y pase a tener eficacia excluyente): primera, elevar la barrera del tres al cinco por ciento de los votos válidos emitidos en la circunscripción; segunda, mantener la barrera en el tres por ciento, pero realizando el cómputo sobre los votos emitidos en todo el Estado; y tercera, la suma de las dos medidas anteriores, esto es, situar la barrera en el cinco por ciento de los votos válidos emitidos en todo el Estado (aunque con cláusulas específicas para los partidos políticos que limitan su actuación a una Comunidad Autónoma concreta).This paper analyzes the «electoral barrier» or «exclusion clause» established by law for the elections to the Lower House (three percent of the valid votes cast in the constituency). After studying the real scope and effectiveness of this barrier, as well as the consequences of considering «blank votes» as «valid votes», we wonder about the reasons that justified (during the Political Transition) and (currently) still justify the application of an «almost» inefficient electoral barrier. Finally, we analyze the three reform proposals for this clause (so that it is no longer ornamental and becomes discriminatory): first, to raise the barrier from three to five percent of the valid votes cast in the constituency; second, to maintain the barrier at three percent, but by counting votes cast throughout the State; and third, the combination of the two previous measures, that is, to set the barrier at five percent of the valid votes cast throughout the State (although with specific clauses for political parties that limit their performance to a specific autonomous region).

The Exceptionality of Jordan and its Democracy in King Hussein’s Last Speech From the Throne

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Ahmad El-Sharif
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sociocultural Context ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Critical Metaphor Analysis ◽  
Political Structures

The Late King Hussein’s last Speech from the Throne in 1997 was given amidst public outcry over the outcomes of the parliamentary elections which resulted the triumph tribal figures with regional affiliations after the boycott of most political parties. This brought to public debate the questions of maintain the long-established balance between the several socio-political structures in the political life in Jordan. While the speech can be perceived as a reflection of King Hussein’s vision about ‘Jordanian democracy’, it can also be interpreted as an elaborate scheme to construct the conventional understanding of the exceptionality of Jordan and its socio-political institutions; including democracy. This article discusses the representation of ‘Jordanian democracy’, the state, and the socio-political structures in Jordan as reflected in the Late King’s last speech from the throne (1997). The analytical framework follows a critical metaphor analysis perspective in which all instances of metaphors used to epitomise these issues are primarily acknowledged from there sociocultural context. Herein, the article focuses on revealing the aspect of metaphorical language by which the Late King Hussein legitimizes and, hence, constructs, the prevailing ideology pf the ‘exceptionality’ of Jordan.

scholarly journals FEATURES OF THE FORMATION OF THE PARTY SYSTEM OF MODERN UKRAINE

2018 ◽  
pp. 8-15
Author(s):  
Іvan Pobochiy
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
National Interests ◽  
New Parties ◽  
The Public

The level of social harmony in society and the development of democracy depends to a large extent on the level of development of parties, their ideological and political orientation, methods and means of action. The purpose of the article is to study the party system of Ukraine and directions of its development, which is extremely complex and controversial. The methods. The research has led to the use of such scientific search methods as a system that allowed the party system of Ukraine to be considered as a holistic organism, and the historical and political method proved to be very effective in analyzing the historical preconditions and peculiarities of the formation of the party system. The results. The incompetent, colonial past and the associated cruel national oppression, terror, famine, and violent Russification caused the contradictory and dramatic nature of modernization, the actual absence of social groups and their leaders interested in it, and the relatively passive reaction of society to the challenges of history. Officials have been nominated by mafia clans, who were supposed to protect their interests and pursue their policies. Political struggle in the state took place not between influential political parties, but between territorial-regional clans. The party system of Ukraine after the Maidan and the beginning of the war on the Donbass were undergoing significant changes. On the political scene, new parties emerged in the course of the protests and after their completion — «Petro Poroshenko Bloc», «People’s Front», «Self-help»), which to some extent became spokespeople for not regional, but national interests. Pro-European direction is the main feature of the leading political parties that have formed a coalition in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Conclusion. The party system of Ukraine as a result of social processes is at the beginning of a new stage in its development, an important feature of which is the increase in the influence of society (direct and indirect) on the political life of the state. Obviously, there is a demand from the public for the emergence of new politicians, new leaders and new political forces that citizens would like to see first and foremost speakers and defenders of their interests.

SOME QUESTIONS OF THE THEORY OF SOVEREIGNTY STATES

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-197
Author(s):  
Kadyrbek Umetov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Political System ◽  
Active Participation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Kyrgyz Republic ◽  
The Real ◽  
Legal Science ◽  
Legal Nature ◽  
Former Soviet Republics

The article reveals the concept of sovereignty as one of the key categories of political and legal science and international law, which has the character of a fundamental norm; various theories that have taken diametrically opposed positions on the issue of determining the legal nature of sovereignty, ranging from its origins to its modern understanding, are considered. The author studied the processes of creating preconditions and historical conditions that ensure the Kyrgyz Republic's active participation in the sovereignization of the former Soviet republics. He defined the specific directions, course and degree of transformation of the Political System of Kyrgyzstan on the basis of declarations of sovereignty and independence, as well as the Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic. Sovereignty is a property inherent in each subject in itself, and cannot be derived from the sovereignty of another entity, in which it sees the embodiment of the real sovereignty of the State.

Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Fabio Wolkenstein
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The State ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Academic Interest ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Western Democracies

In addition to summarizing the book’s main themes as described, this Introduction places special emphasis on connecting the problem animating the book—the apparent incapacity of contemporary parties to mediate between citizens and the state—to current political developments in established Western democracies, showing that the issues the book addresses are not only of academic interest but also directly relevant to ongoing public debates about the state and health of representative democracy. Chief amongst the themes foregrounded here is the rise of so-called ‘populist’ parties on the left and right of the political spectrum, as well as the re-branding of established political actors as ‘movements’ (think, e.g. of Emmanuel Macron’s La République en Marche). These phenomena are interpreted as part of a larger ‘revolt against intermediary bodies’—meaning first and foremost a rebellion against political parties. The Introduction suggests that this ‘revolt’ brings with it only a temporary shift in how representative politics looks, without actually reversing the disconnect between parties and voters or compelling established political parties to give up their privileges and de-colonize the institutions of the state. This argument sets the stage for the book’s core contention that more thought has to be put into finding ways to reconnect political parties with society.

Political Disaffection, Sociodemographic, and Psychographic Variables as State Legitimacy Determinants in the European Union

2020 ◽  
pp. 000276422098111
Author(s):  
Cristina Del-Castillo-Feito ◽  
Gabriel Cachón-Rodríguez ◽  
Iria Paz-Gil
Keyword(s):  
Social Support ◽  
European Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Interest ◽  
State Function ◽  
The European Union ◽  
State Legitimacy ◽  
Political Disaffection

According to political science, modern societies can separate the state function and the politicians’ mission. However, the existing relationship between political disaffection and state legitimacy indicates the contrary. The interest held by the European Union inhabitants in their politicians has been decreasing, and the closeness to a specific political party or political leader has been weakening. Many European countries have a great degree of polarity in their political parties’ system, which augments the complexity of forming governments or even makes it impossible. Citizens have been affected by corruption, the economic situation, migratory crisis, or the European project weakness. They feel that politicians have forgotten their role as the people’s representatives and their responsibility to behave according to society’s general interest. Through its institutions, the state must ensure the country’s performance and maintain it despite the change in the political leaders. Moreover, its legitimacy will depend on the level of social support received by these institutions. This research aims to quantify if the current political disaffection influences the European Union states’ social support level or state legitimacy. It also expects to demonstrate which sociodemographic and psychographic variables influence on governments’ fragility and the dilution of state legitimacy, which is critical for countries’ stability. For this purpose, we used the available data from the European Social Survey for 2016, and we developed a statistical analysis through variation and regression analysis. The results highlight the strong effect that political disaffection, as well as variables such as religion, immigration perception, citizenship, or emotional state have on state legitimacy and reveal the need for changes in the political parties’ performance and behavior to maintain the countries’ stability.

Political Positions and Opposition in the Spanish Catholic Church

1976 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 198-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfred Fierro Bardaji
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Medium Term ◽  
The Real ◽  
Near Future

THIS STUDY HAS BEEN WRITTEN DURING THE STAGE OF BROAD political transition inside the Spanish State, following the death of General Franco, in November 1975. The new monarch, Juan Carlos I, has already carried out some acts that will define Spanish politics in the near future, by confirming the men who governed during Franco's last years: but what attitude the political system will take under the monarchy is still unforeseeable; and, although everyone is waiting for a certain liberalization of the regime, the real scope that liberalization will have in the short and medium term remains problematical.

Understanding audience affiliation in response to political speeches in Japan

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ofer Feldman ◽  
Peter Bull
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Response Rate ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Rhetorical Devices ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Political Speeches ◽  
Prime Function

Affiliative response invitations were analysed in 38 speeches delivered during the 2009 Japanese general election by 18 candidates for the House of Representatives (the lower house of the National Diet of Japan). The results clearly replicated those reported by Bull and Feldman (2011) in their analysis of the 2005 Japanese general election. Highly significant correlations were found between the two studies not only for the overall pattern of affiliative responses, but also for each type of response (applause, laughter and cheering). In both studies, over 70% of affiliative responses occurred in response to explicit invitations from the speaker. This contrasts with British political meetings, where applause occurs principally in response to implicit rhetorical devices. However, the candidates’ electoral success showed no significant correlations either with overall affiliative response rate, or with rates for applause, laughter or cheering. It is proposed that the prime function of affiliative response invitations at these meetings is not so much to win votes as to give the audience the opportunity to express their support both for the candidates and for the political parties they represent.

scholarly journals Krzysztof Kieślowski's Art of Film

1997 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tadeusz Miczka
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Living Standards ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Pressure ◽  
The Real ◽  
The World ◽  
Real Socialism ◽  
Party Activists ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Polish Culture

"WE LIVE IN THE WORLD LACKING IDEA ON ITSELF: KRZYSZTOF KIEŚLOWSKI's ART OF FILM" OUR "little stabilization" -- this ironic phrase by Tadeusz Różewicz, the poet and playwright, rightly characterized the low living standards of Poles and the state of apathy of the society in the 1960s. It also reflected well the situation of the Polish culture which, at that time, was put under strong political pressure and, except for very few instances, half- truths and newspeak replaced the clear dichotomy of truth and falsity. However, it finds its strongest expression if seen against the background of the Polish cinema of that time, since the cinema was, so to say, the "light in the eyes" of the Workers' Party activists devoutly building the 'real socialism' state. After the period of the political thaw which, among other things, brought to life artistically courageous works of the 'Polish film school', the...

scholarly journals Visegrad Group and Relations with Russia

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radovan Višňovský
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central European ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Past ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
The Eu

This article refers to the Central European countries by meaning the Visegrad Group countries (V4) - Hungary, Czech Republic, Poland, and Slovakia. The development of the Visegrad Group aimed on integration to the Euro-Atlantic structures fulfilled its promise, nevertheless, the membership in Western structures does not necessarily mean the loss of Russian influence in the region of Central Europe. On the contrary, the region’s connection to Russia developed in the past remained to some extent even after the process of political transition in particular countries. Such connections are responsible for foreign policy discourse with a plethora of questions and misunderstandings on issues related to the political attitudes of Visegrad members towards Russia and some contradictory stances of the V4 countries among themselves as well with respect to Brussels. The EU’s politics of sanctions towards Russia is having a direct, counterproductive effect in Visegrad, what is resulting in undermined relations and weakened coherence inside the EU with the emergence of anti-Western and pro-Russian political parties that creates the space for Russian foreign policy to achieve more influence in the region. This article is analyzing the background of such discourse and some of the reasons behind the pro-Russian sentiment or discrepancies and non-coherence of the EU members’ opinions on Russia. At the same time, the awareness of the outcomes of this article can be relevant in analyzing the possibilities to avoid the deepening of the conflictual foreign policy between the EU and Russia, or the Visegrad and Russia, respectively. The research is built on both, primary and secondary sources, related mainly to the evolution of relations in specific areas between both sides. The mentioned historical perspective creates the basis of the analysis and is further put into contemporary discourse to find the answers on the question: what are the reasons for non-coherence of the EU and Visegrad towards the policy against Russia? To achieve the above-mentioned results, the analysis is provided in chronological perspective using the mixed methods by exploring the official documents, scholarly articles published on the topic, and public polls as well.

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