Algerian Heritage Associations: National Identity and Rediscovering the Past

Algeria ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Ayesha Northey
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Cultural Identity ◽  
The State ◽  
External Funding ◽  
The Past ◽  
External Actors ◽  
The City ◽  
The Eu

This chapter explores the work of Algerian heritage associations. It focuses on a number of associations seeking to challenge, to redefine or to promote new conceptions of Algerian history and identity. From associations promoting Berber cultural identity, to those in Oran seeking to re-explore the colonial past of the city, it looks at the confrontations and negotiations which take place between associations, the state and external actors. It asks how Algerian perceptions of the past, as seen by associative actors, influence current debates about which Algerian culture and heritage is important to protect and promote. With increasing external funding to the heritage sector from actors such as the EU it explores how external or transnational perspectives are integrated into this process.

Macedonia Faculties’ Students - “Chrisi Avgi” (Right Party) Followers’ Critique on the Greek Educational Policy

2014 ◽  
Vol 2013 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kalerante Evagelia
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Educational Policy ◽  
Educational System ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Moral Values ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Past ◽  
Research Findings ◽  
History Books

AbstractThe present paper is involved with the Pedagogical faculties’ students’ critique on the current educational system as it has been altered after 1981. The research was carried out utilizing both quantitative and qualitative tools. Students-voters participated in the interviews whereas active voters were difficult to be located to meet the research requirements. The dynamics of the specific political party is based on a popular profile in terms of standpoints related to economic, social and political issues. The research findings depict the students’ strong wish for a change of the curricula and a turn towards History and Religion as well as an elevation of the Greek historic events, as the History books that have been written and taught at schools over the past years contributed to the downgrading of the Greek national and cultural identity. There is also a students’ strong belief that globalization and the immigrants’ presence in Greece have functioned in a negative way against the Greek ideal. Therefore, an overall change of the educational content could open the path towards the reconstruction of the moral values and the Greek national identity.

Nation Branding:

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Gisela K. Cánepa
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation Branding ◽  
Great Opportunity ◽  
National Community ◽  
Neoliberal Governmentality ◽  
Entrepreneurial Spirit

Nation branding plays a central role within neoliberal governmentality, operating as a technology of power in the configuration of emerging cultural and political formations such as national identity, citizenship and the state. The discussion of the advertising spot Perú, Nebraska  released as part of the Nation Branding campaign Marca Perú  in May of 2011, constitutes a great opportunity to: (i) argue about the way in which audiovisual advertisement products, designed as performative devises, operate as technologies of power; and (ii) problematize the terms in which it founds a new social contract for the Peruvian multicultural national community. This analysis will allow me to approach neoliberalism as a cultural regime in order to discuss the ideological nature of the uncontested celebratory discourse that has emerged in Perú and which explains the economic growth of the last decades as the outcome of a national entrepreneurial spirit that would be distinctive of Peruvian cultural identity.

scholarly journals Kharkiv in the Period of Interpower: Maintenance of Law in the City at the End of 1918

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
The State ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Rural Districts ◽  
The Past ◽  
Self Defense ◽  
Red Army ◽  
The City ◽  
Official Information

The article deals with the situation in the city of Kharkiv at the end of 1918. At this time, Ukraine was experiencing the completion of one more historical stage, preparing for new, more turbulent and tragic events. German troops which have been the guarantors of security of the state over the past ten months were evacuated from its territory, a popular uprising broke out against the hetman Pavlo Skoropadsky, the republican authorities that recognized the Directory were forming slowly, local Bolsheviks and other left-wing groups were getting noticeably more active. In December 1918 all these forces were represented in the provincial Kharkiv. Some of them, for example, the German command and the hetman's guard, tried to transfer power to their successors in an organized manner. Others, on the contrary, tried to get to the controls as soon as possible. This multi-power lasted about a month, which became a real ordeal for the inhabitants of the city. Kharkovites tried to figure out a kaleidoscope of political developments, a variety of orders and decrees, the intricacies of official information and street rumors. Meanwhile, the criminal situation became more and more threatening: gangs of looters raged in rural districts, and shots were fired more often in Kharkiv itself. In the second half of December, the number of the city shops robberies became impressive. At that time, several influential forces were engaged in law enforcement: the German commandant’s office, the hetman’s guard, Directory fighters and socialist squads. However, all their efforts did not give the desired result, and ordinary Kharkovites were forced to organize self-defense units to protect their own homes. The culmination of anarchy in the city was the Bolshevik uprising on January 1–2, 1919, as a result of which Kharkiv was captured by armed units of the Red Army.

scholarly journals The Place Of Karakalpak Ethnoculture In The Integration Of Society

2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (04) ◽  
pp. 676-688
Author(s):  
Halima Kadirova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Scientific Article ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Next Generation ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
The Past ◽  
Global Space ◽  
The People

This scientific article highlights the place and role of the Karakalpak ethnic culture in the development and preservation of the identity of the people. The authors analyze the culture and life of the modern Karakalpak family, which inherits to the next generation the traditional way of life associated with national holidays and traditions, dastans performed by Karakalpak bakhshi (singers), legends and legends of the past, told by the older generation. The article argues that social changes in the global space contribute to the emergence of certain changes in the content of cultural identity, language, art, spiritual categories, which are elements of the basis of the national identity of each nation and various ethno-regional units, which further strengthens the study of this issue under the influence of the process of globalization.

scholarly journals Pro-european orientation and perception of European integrations as a threat in Serbia and Croatia - the importance of sociodemographic variables and different forms of national attachment

1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-77
Author(s):  
Vladimir Mihić ◽  
Dragana Jelić ◽  
Margareta Jelić
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
National Identity ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Sociodemographic Variables ◽  
National Pride ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
National Attachment ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Eu

For the past few decades, European integration has been one of the primary issues not just in politics, but also in the social sciences. This issue becomes even more important when research takes place in countries where the population is ambivalent in their support for the EU and European integration. The main aims of the study presented in this paper are to determine differences in Serbia and Croatia in pro-European orientation and the perception of European integration (EI) as a threat, and to determine the factors underlying both constructs by focusing on sociodemographic variables, the importance of religion, and different forms of national attachment. The results show that citizens of Croatia have a stronger pro-European orientation, but there is no difference in the perception of EI as a threat. Pro-European orientation is determined by the respondents’ national identity (in both countries) and gender, the importance of religion, and national pride in the state (only in Serbia). The significant predictors for the perception of EI as a threat were constructive patriotism and national pride in successful individuals (in Serbia), blind patriotism (in Croatia) and the importance of religion (in both countries).

scholarly journals A brief synthesis of corrections, including retractions, of the Hungarian literature

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaime A. Teixeira da Silva
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Research Ethics ◽  
Peer Review ◽  
The State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Hungarian Literature ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The University ◽  
The Eu

Hungary is geographically central in the European Union (EU). Being linguistically and culturally distinct, Hungary is ideally positioned and somewhat unique, being surrounded by seven other nations. In academics, the challenges facing Hungarian scholars are no different than other scholars in the EU, or globally. In the past few years, research ethics has become more stringent, in part as a result of fortified post-publication peer review. This letter provides one perspective about the state of Hungarian research and academia relative to other EU nations through the prism of research ethics, and in the form of literature corrections, including retractions. Using the Retraction Watch database, 24 retractions, corrections or expressions of concern were observed. One third of those emerged from the University of Debrecen. Five of the corrections were in Elsevier journals, followed by four in Springer Nature journals. Compared with the remaining 26 EU nations, excluding the UK (i.e., considering Brexit), Hungary ranks 17th in terms of number of corrections (range: Malta = 2; Germany = 751). These numbers suggest either that research ethics may be more stringent in Hungary, or that the Hungarian literature has not been sufficiently scrutinized through post-publication peer review.

Elections will sharpen US focus on Libya

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Relative Influence ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Past ◽  
External Actors

Subject The Trump administration's policy on the Libya conflict. Significance In recent weeks, the United States has pursued a more active foreign policy towards Libya. This is a departure from its position of the past eight years of ‘leading from the back’ on Libya and comes as US President Donald Trump faces an impeachment investigation and elections in November 2020. With the vote approaching, Trump's opponents have increasingly criticised his position on Moscow, drawing attention to the presence of Russian mercenaries in Libya. Impacts Ties with Egypt, the UAE and Saudi Arabia, and the relative influence Russia has with them, will weigh on the administration’s thinking. The State Department may push more actively for a ceasefire when a conference of external actors in Libya takes place in Berlin. A ceasefire could fragment the forces fighting Haftar without robust external guarantees that his forces would not violate it.

scholarly journals Imagining Union: European Cultural Identity in the Pre-Federal Future Perfect

2005 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Murray Pratt
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
Single Currency ◽  
European Project ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Opening Up ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Do So ◽  
Draft Constitution

Rather than offering a detailed analysis of the contents of the draft constitution, a consideration of the extent to which the EU is hampered in its ability to posit a counter-balance to the USAn Empire, or indeed a reflection on the economic and political ramifications of the document’s proposals, the aim of this article is to take a step back from the construction that is Europe, and pause to consider the Utopian assumptions about cultural identity which subtend the notion of union, as expressed within the draft constitution and more broadly across discourses about ‘Europeanness’ as shared destiny which underpin the European project. In order to do so, I draw on theories of national identity and belonging, at the same time interrogating the applicability of the national paradigm to that strange locality, the transnational, pan-regional, post-state, and potentially pre-federal entity which the EU is becoming. In the process, I offer readings of both the constitution, and a less official EU text, namely an online comic entitled ‘Captain Euro’ which was used to promote the single currency. I am particularly interested in investigating the narrativisation of culture and identity as a process of unification or union, and in opening up a space to consider the ideological imperatives which suture this master(ful) narrative. Slavoj Žižek’s theorisation of the moment of narrative possibility as one which occludes its own foundational basis is then considered as one which applies to a form of status denial inherent within the official European narrative of union, and through suggesting a queer reading of the Euroseminal myth of Zeus and Europa, I trace this Žižekian moment of ‘inherent transgression’ as a counter force undermining European cultural unification—paradoxically, perhaps queerly or strangely, a concomitant desire for the discrete and the separate, a drive towards distinction and difference which arises as a necessary complement to its signaled togetherness.

Urban Politics in the State Arena

2009 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Burns ◽  
Laura Evans ◽  
Gerald Gamm ◽  
Corrine McConnaughy
Keyword(s):  
Urban Politics ◽  
Special Kind ◽  
The State ◽  
State Legislators ◽  
Divided Government ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Central Feature ◽  
The Past ◽  
Big Cities ◽  
The City

We seek to explain how states govern big cities. Political scientists' accounts of urban politics either fail to treat the state systematically or place state hostility at the center of such an account. Accounts by historians, by contrast, offer tools political scientists can use to theorize urban politics in the state arena. We use those tools, and we find that cities can manage the legislative process. This power starts with bill introduction and carries through to the vote on the floor. This ability results from a central feature of American state politics: on bills about big cities, state legislators now and in the past find their primary voting cues in the unity of local delegations. The city delegation, then, has tremendous power to manage the state's involvement in city affairs. In many respects, ours is an account of a special kind of divided government, with two institutional arenas where urban government is carried out.

Human security and state rebuilding in post-conflict Nepal: Peace at the cost of justice?

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauri Siitonen
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Human Security ◽  
The State ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
State Administration ◽  
The Cost ◽  
External Actors ◽  
The Eu

There is a possible conflict between two current policy guidelines in post-conflict countries, human security, and state rebuilding. This article analyzes how weak statehood and low human security are mutually interlinked in complex ways in the case of post-conflict Nepal. The analysis is based on economic, political, and social data, recent reports by international organizations and NGOs, as well as on statements by major politicians and political parties. A dilemma can be identified in post-conflict Nepal: in order to remedy weak statehood and decrease the level of crime, the presence of the state in the rural areas needs to be enhanced. Yet people feel mistrust toward the police and state administration, which keep many people marginalized. Therefore external actors, particularly the EU, should strengthen their support for democratization of the state while at the same time keeping an eye on the peace process.Spanish Existe un posible conflicto entre dos orientaciones de las políticas actuales en los países post-conflicto: la seguridad humana y la reconstrucción del Estado. Este artículo analiza cómo la debilidad estatal y la seguridad humana están mutuamente relacionadas entre sí de manera compleja en el caso del post-conflicto en Nepal. El análisis se basa en los datos económicos, políticos y sociales, en los últimos informes de las organizaciones internacionales y no-gubernamentales, así como en las declaraciones de los más importantes políticos y partidos políticos. Es posible identificar un dilema en el Nepal post-conflicto: con el fin de fortalecer al Estado débil y disminuir el nivel de la criminalidad, es preciso mejorar la presencia del Estado en las zonas rurales. Sin embargo, la gente siente desconfianza hacia la policía y la administración estatal, que mantienen a un gran número de personas en la marginalidad. Por lo tanto los actores externos, especialmente la UE, deben fortalecer su apoyo a la democratización del Estado a la vez que deben estar atentos al proceso de paz.French Il existe une possibilité de conflit entre les deux actuelles lignes directrices en matière de politiques dans les pays en sortie de guerre, à savoir entre la sécurité humaine et la reconstruction de l'État. Cet article analyse comment un état défaillant et une faible sécurité humaine sont reliés mutuellement de façon complexe dans le contexte d'après-guerre au Népal. L'analyse est basée sur des données économiques, politiques et sociales, des rapports récents d'organisations internationales et d'ONG, ainsi que sur les discours des plus importants politiciens et partis politiques. Un dilemme apparaît dans le cas du Népal : afin de renforcer le pouvoir de l'État et de diminuer les taux de criminalité, la présence de l'État doit être accrue dans les milieux ruraux. Or, la population montre une certaine méfiance envers la police et l'administration publique, instances considérées comme responsables de la marginalisation d'une grande partie de la société. C'est pourquoi des acteurs externes, telle l'Union Européenne, devraient renforcer leur aide à la démocratisation de l'État et surveiller en même temps le processus de paix.

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