scholarly journals In the Path of Vydūnas: Moral Values and Social Engineering as the Tool for the Welfare State Creation

2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Edvardas Rimkus

The article analyses the relationship between democracy and technocracy invoking Lithuanian philosopher Vydūnas’ view on the role of moral values playing in the state. Investigating projects directed to the welfare state creation the author asks how much these projects are technocratic in the narrow sense – performing with the help of knowledge of nature sciences, engineering, economics and other, and what role in these projects moral values play. The author distinguishes two types of projects – technocracy in the narrow and in the wide sense. The latter is defined as social engineering based on the interdisciplinary discussion of experts on the questions linked with moral values. The main theses defended are the following: democracy ant technocracy as the methods of governance should not be contrasted; technocracy could not replace democracy which is the system defending freedom of the individual person; moral ideals (freedom, equality, justice, seeking of common good) are the basic guide in the sphere of values for the social engineering directed to the creation of welfare state.

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nils Edling

Where does the welfare state come from? On the long history of a modern key conceptThisarticle charts the history of the term the welfare state in Germany and the United States, the two countries where it was formed. It starts from the premise that political key concepts, such as the welfare state, have multiple meanings and are open to contestation. This means that the objective is to study the different and changing usages and meanings of the term from the 1860s to the 1940s.In the oldest of the four usages, der Wohlfahrtsstaat referred to pre-1789 authoritarian regimes where the welfare of the people constituted the objective and rationale of the state. Gradually during the latter half of the nineteenth century, an alternative understanding emerged in Germany where the culture and welfare state connoted a responsible state, which regulated the modernizing economy. In the early twentieth century, many texts mentioned this new Kultur- und Wohlfahrtsstaat as a fitting label for contemporary Germany. At the same time, this new regulating welfare state became a topic in the United States as well.In the Weimar Republic 1919–33, the idea of the social welfare state was highly contested from the start. This understanding centred on social policy, on the state as the driving force in social reform. Fourthly, the democratic welfare state, a state that catered for the common good and respected civil liberties, was contrasted to authoritarian power states. These four usages should not be seen as separate stages in an orderly historical sequence of conceptual development, but as co-existing layers of meaning that could be mixed in multiple and changing ways. Depending on ideological and political point of view, the modern welfare state, which emerged after 1945, could incorporate one or several of the historical layers (the authoritarian-paternalistic, the regulating, the social and the democratic welfare state). This new idea of the welfare state was a product of the Depression and the War with expanding state activity and ideological mobilization. The United States’ acquired position as global military and moral superpower constituted one prerequisite. The welfare state was in this sense part of the democratic restart after 1945. Two considerations were important for this conception: the state’s responsibility for promoting economic growth and combating unemployment and the emergence of human rights that include social security.


2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
BEN JACKSON

ABSTRACTIt is often suggested that the earliest theorists of neo-liberalism first entered public controversy in the 1930s and 1940s to dispel the illusion that the welfare state represented a stable middle way between capitalism and socialism. This article argues that this is an anachronistic account of the origins of neo-liberalism, since the earliest exponents of neo-liberal doctrine focused on socialist central planning rather than the welfare state as their chief adversary and even sought to accommodate certain elements of the welfare state agenda within their market liberalism. In their early work, neo-liberal theorists were suspicious of nineteenth-century liberalism and capitalism; emphasized the value commitments that they shared with progressive liberals and socialists; and endorsed significant state regulation and redistribution as essential to the maintenance of a free society. Neo-liberals of the 1930s and 1940s therefore believed that the legitimation of the market, and the individual liberty best secured by the market, had to be accomplished via an expansion of state capacity and a clear admission that earlier market liberals had been wrong to advocate laissez-faire.


2006 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 407-425
Author(s):  
Alpar Losonc

Recently Claus Offe has put the question that concerns the fate of the European model of social capitalism: Can the model of social capitalism survive the European integration in the context of certain contemporary tendencies? Offe has presupposed that the mentioned model is challenged by the processes of globalization and the integration of the post socialist countries into the European Union. The working hypothesis of the article is that there is an opportunity to provide a coherent answer to this question. The article consists of two parts. In the first part the author starts with the Polanyi's socio-economic theory and emphasizes the importance of this approach for the analyzing of the tendencies of capitalism in Western Europe and in the post socialist countries. The author argues that with the Polanyi's theory we are able to explicate the forms of the embedded liberalism in Western Europe after 1945 and the orientation of non-embedded neo-liberalism and the functioning of the workfare state after the crisis of the Keynesian welfare state. Despite the tendencies of the globalization projected by neo-liberalism, the central element of the social capitalism namely, the welfare state, remains with the dimensions of the continuity. In the next part the author points out that there is an asymmetrical structure between the Western-Europe and non-Western part of Europe concerning the socialization of capitalism. The neoliberalisation in accordance with the model of the transfer of ideal-type of capitalism is more strongly implemented in the countries of transition. In addition, the mentioned theoretical approach provides opportunities to explain the failures of implementing of neo-liberalism in the post socialist countries. On the basis of the endorsing of the socio-economic aspects we can address the issue pointed out by Offe.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 227
Author(s):  
Azwar Azwar Azwar ◽  
Emeraldy Chatra ◽  
Zuldesni Zuldesni

Poverty is one of the social problems that the government can never completely solve. As a result, other, more significant social issues arise and cause social vulnerability, such as conflict and crime. As a province that is experiencing rapid growth in the last ten years, the West Sumatra find difficulty to overcome the number of poor people in several districts and cities.  The research outcomes are the models and forms of social policy made by West Sumatra regencies and cities governments in improving the welfare of poor communities. It is also covering the constraints or obstacles to the implementation of social policy and the selection of welfare state models for the poor in some districts and municipalities of West Sumatra. This research is conducted qualitatively with a sociological approach that uses social perspective on searching and explaining social facts that happened to needy groups. Based on research conducted that the social policy model adopted by the government in responding to social problems in the districts and cities of West Sumatra reflects the welfare state model given to the poor. There is a strong relationship between the welfare state model and the form of social policy made by the government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nagihan Ozkanca Andic ◽  
Ekrem Karayilmazlar

The Public Expenditure/GDP ratio is one of the most significant metrics that measure the state's share of the economy. It can be said that there is an interventionist state type in countries where this rate is high, or it can be argued that the share of the public sector in the economy is low in countries where this rate is low. It is also possible to argue that the countries' economic, sociological, and political factors play an essential role in determining this ratio. Regulations, which are the most important tools of the welfare state, may arise through economic controls as well as through social policies. This study aims to find an answer to the question of whether this situation is possible for a developing country such as Turkey while Nordic countries, which determine a system different from other welfare models, succeed in raising social welfare without giving up the principles such as equality and justice that they have despite the globalization effect. The data obtained by various methods were subjected to comparison using the Data Envelopment Analysis method in order to achieve this purpose. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0777/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>


2005 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadine Richez-Battesti

This article seeks to analyze the social impacts of the Economic and Monetary Union and to reflect on the new modalities for producing social norms within this new context. First, after pointing out limits to the nominal convergence that the treaty stipulates for the interim phase, we mil present the new forms of adjustment pursuant to the EMU and their impacts on the welfare state. We will then turn to the responses of some economists to the introduction of a single currency and coordination of budgetary policies, including fiscal federalism. We will try to show the desirability of a European welfare state that would introduce some coherence between the different levels (local, national, Europe-wide) and forms (legislative and union-management) of social regulation ; in essence, a reworking of the idea of social subsidiarity.


2013 ◽  
pp. 91-120
Author(s):  
Edoardo Bressan

In Italy, from the 1930s until the end of the century, the relationship between the Catholic world and the development of the Social state becomes a very relevant theme. Social thought and Catholic historiography issues witness a European civilisation crisis, by highlighting problems of poverty and historical forms of assistance. Furthermore, by following the 1931 Pope Pius XI encyclical Quadragesimo anno these issues interacted with fascist corporativism. After 1945, other key experiences arose, as the discussion on social security as the conclusion of the whole public assistance debate shown. These themes are reported in the Bologna social week works in 1949 and in Fanfani's and La Pira's positions, which present several correspondences with British and French worlds, such as Christian socialism, Reinhold Niebuhr's thought and Maritain's remarks. The 1948 Republican Constitution adopts the Welfare State model assumptions, and it is in those very years that the problem of a system based on a universal outlook arose. Afterwards, governments of coalition led by centre and left-wing parties fostered social security through welfare and health reforms until the '80s. While this model falls into crisis, and new social actors begin to be involved in a context of subsidiarity.


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