scholarly journals El Estado y la nación en la era tecnológica

2020 ◽  
pp. 380-410
Author(s):  
Ander Gurrutxaga Abad
Keyword(s):  
Multinational Corporations ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
Institutional Forces ◽  
Traditional Institutions ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
The Moment

En la actualidad, el momento histórico por el que atraviesa el Estado-Nación hay que entenderlo tomando en consideración los efectos combinados del proceso de globalización y el cambio tecnológico que tiene hoy su máximo exponente en lo que se ha llegado a denominar como la 4ª Revolución Industrial, junto al cansancio del Leviatán, provocado por la actividad irregular de más de tres siglos en los países del Centro Occidental. Mi tesis es que no se visualiza el final de los discursos nacionales ni la crisis de los referentes de la tradición estatal sino la configuración del poder político donde lo macro -grandes regiones políticas, organismos internacionales, corporaciones multinacionales-; lo meso (regiones y movimientos productos de la descentralización del poder político estatal o la contestación interna al centro político “incuestionable”); y lo micro poderes -regiones y nacionalidades “periféricas”- pugnan por la construcción de la geometría variable que presenta al poder político del Estado enclavado en múltiples redes que discurren por instituciones de países y regiones interdependientes. At the moment, the historical period that the Nation-State is living must be understood taking into account the combined effects of the globalization process and the rapid technological change, that today has its greatest exponent in what has come to be called the 4th Industrial Revoluction, together with the the Fatigue of Leviathan, caused by the irregular activity of more than three centuries in the Western countries. The main argument is that we are not whitnessing the end of national discourses, nor the crisis of the traditional institutions of the State, but the configuration of a new distribution of political power. This new configuration is characterized by new correlations between the institutional forces at the macro level –large political regions, international organzation, multinational corporations–, the regionalization process at the meso level –the increasing relevance of regions resulting of the decentralization of the political and economical power of the State–, and the movements at the micro level –pheripheral regions and nationalities–. The result is a variable geometry that show us that the political power of the State is now embedded in a amplified network of institutions that are defining the capabilities of political action.

scholarly journals The Actuality of Some Principles and Ideas of Law Philosophy Issued by Mircea Djuvara

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (35) ◽  
pp. 38-51
Author(s):  
Marţian Iovan
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Power ◽  
National Level ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Philosophy Of Law ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Law

Abstract The author analyzes in this paper principles and ides of philosophy of law issued by Mircea Djuvara, which preserve their contemporaneity, being useful for the perfecting of the state institutions and of the democracy not only at national level, but also at European Union one. His ideas and logical demonstration on the rational fundamentals of law, the autonomy of the moral and legal conscience, the specificity of truth and of juridical knowledge, the philosophical substantiation of power and Constitution, the principles of the democracy and the connections between the political power and the law are just few of the original elements due to which Djuvara became an acknowledged and respected personality not only in Romania, but also in the experts clubs of the Europe between the two World Wars.

scholarly journals Historia rozwoju Republiki Rzymskiej według Polibiusza

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-93
Author(s):  
Anna Ceglarska ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Roman Republic ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Social Contexts ◽  
The State ◽  
Mixed System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mutual Relation ◽  
Perfect System ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Moment

History of the rise of the Roman Republic as described by Polybius The aim of this article is to refer Polybius’s political theory, included in Book VI of The Histories, to the history of the rise of the Roman Republic. This theme must have been particularly significant for Polybius. For him, Rome was the most perfect example of a mixed government system, and the aim of describing its history was to show the development of this perfect system. The article presents the mutual relation of theory and history, starting with the period of kingship, up to the emergence of the democratic element, i.e. the moment when Rome acquired the mixed system of government. Both the political and social contexts of the changes are outlined. The analysis suggests that Polybius related his political theory to the history of the state he admired, thus providing the theory with actual foundations. Reconstructing his analysis makes it possible to see the history of Rome in a different light, and to ponder the system itself and its decline, even though the main objective of both Polybius and this article is to present its development.

scholarly journals The crisis of modernity as the crisis of the political: Towards a critique of the reason of the ethos

2003 ◽  
pp. 61-85
Author(s):  
Simo Elakovic
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Act ◽  
Crisis Of Modernity ◽  
Political Decision Making

The crisis of modernity as the crisis of the political is seen by the author primarily as a crisis of the "measure" of the criterion of political decision making and action. This crisis is understood in the first place as a crisis of self-awareness and practice of the ethos. Machiavelli was the first to attempt a solution to this problem by introducing the concept of virtus, which became the fundamental principle of modern political philosophy. However, many modern and contemporary interpreters of Machiavelli's thought often ignore the social and political context in which the political doctrine of the Florentine thinker arose. Namely, Machiavelli's effort to find an authentic form of the political act that would make possible a harmonization and stabilization of the dramatic political circumstances then prevailing in Italian cities required a reliable diagnosis and adequate means for a successful therapy of the sick organism of the community. The epochal novelty in Machiavelli's political theory was the shift from the ancient theorization of virtue to its modern operationalization. Nevertheless, this shift is often interpreted as a radical opposing of the Greek concept of arete to the Roman virtus, which is crudely and simplistically reduced to bravery and strength necessary for taking and keeping political power. Hegel in his political philosophy travels an important part of the road - unconsciously rather than consciously - along with Machiavelli and Shelling. This particularly holds for his understanding of the necessity of strength and bravery in the process of operationalizing the spirit of freedom in history through the mediation of "negation" as "the power of evil". The mediation of subjectivity and substantiality, according to Hegel, takes place in the state by the brutal bridling of the world spirit where not just individuals but whole peoples are sacrificed - toward freedom, i.e. its realization in the community of the ethos. The "trouble of the times" is a consequence of the separation between I and the world (Entzeiung) and stems from a reduced political reason which lacks the criterion of the ethical totality for political action and decision making. By the separation of the ethos this reason get routinized and political action is reduced to naked technique of winning and keeping political power. In the concluding segment of the paper the author points to some global consequences of the crisis of political decision making in the historical reality at the end of 20th century.

The Escape to Turkey. Ways and Methods of Illegal Border Crossings into Turkey from the perspective of SSI documents (1945-1948)

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-134
Author(s):  
Daniela Popescu
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Border Crossings ◽  
Secret Police ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Police Services ◽  
The Cold War

"The Escape to Turkey. Ways and Methods of Illegal Border Crossings into Turkey from the perspective of SSI documents (1945-1948). Romania`s first years after the communist regime took political power in Romania, concurrent with the onset of the Cold War, meant a reshuffle of the state institutions at first and later a dramatic impact on people`s lives. The political and institutional purges were the first signal that soon repression and terror will follow, thus prompting numerous Romanian citizens to leave the country. Yet, due to the strict surveillance of the Secret Police Services which did not easily allow traveling to Western countries, the only way to escape was through illicit border crossings. One of the most common destinations was Turkey, with documents issued between 1945 and 1948 by the Secret police services revealing an impressive number of such cases. Keywords: Illegal border crossings, escape, communism, Romania, Turkey. "

The foundations of the state: emerging urban–rural clevages in transitions countries

2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars Johannsen
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Building Process ◽  
Urban Rural ◽  
Traditional Institutions ◽  
Communist Countries ◽  
Cleavage Structure

Using secondary data from 21 post-communist countries, a map of urban–rural cleavages is produced. The findings are that while persistent cleavages exist with respect to attitudes toward the state, the market and traditional institutions, these cleavages have yet to be institutionalized within the political system. Deviations from the generalized pattern can typically be explained by the intrusion of the state-building process into the urban–rural cleavage structure. Furthermore, it is argued that the lack of institutionalization has led to a situation in which state and political elites have gained increased autonomy.

Reading Hobbes’s Sovereign into a Burmese Narrative of Police Torture

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-211
Author(s):  
Nick Cheesman
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Order ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Throughout February 2012, a court sitting at Myanmar’s central prison recorded a defendant’s narrative of torture by policemen to have him confess to a bombing two years prior. How was this record made possible? What does the narrative reveal about the relationship of police torturers to the political community giving them authority to act? Working from Agamben’s intuition that in the moment of violence the policeman occupies an area symmetrical to the sovereign, inasmuch as his use of violence is justified in the name of public order, I suggest the account of police torture in this case can be explained in terms of Hobbes’s theory of attributed action. Like Hobbes’s sovereign, the Burmese policemen had the prerogative to decide when and how to use violence against the detained subject on behalf of the state. That the defendant could later recount to a judge the torture done to him was only because he lacked standing to lay claims against sovereign police, who he himself, as a member of the political community, had authorised. Ironically, the record of his narrative was possible precisely because his claims were without efficacy.

scholarly journals Cacophony of Contestation: Forms of Voice and the Warsaw Taxi Market as a Field of Struggles

2016 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcin Serafin
Keyword(s):  
Field Theory ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Market Institutions ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Social Fields ◽  
Taxi Market ◽  
Different Levels

AbstractThis article analyses the political struggles in and around the Warsaw taxi market. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of social fields and incorporating Albert Hirschman’s metaphor of political action as voice, I capture the position-taking of members of the taxi field, highlighting the different levels of involvement in the struggles. By distinguishing between different forms of voice—murmuring, jeering, whispering, hissing, grunting, and shouting—I show that the struggles that shape the Warsaw taxi market take the form of struggles over classifications and struggles over opportunities for exchange. I describe how market institutions are established and contested within the political field; enforced and contested within the bureaucratic field; and interpreted and contested within the juridical field. I thus contribute a field theory that investigates the links between fields and especially between economic fields and the state. This article draws on fieldwork conducted in Warsaw between November 2012 and June 2013.

scholarly journals Espaço político e tensão democrática: os protestos recentes e a potência política das ruas/Political space and democratic tension: the recent protests and the political power of the streets

2018 ◽  
pp. 162-181
Author(s):  
Sérgio Silva Borges
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Public Places ◽  
Contemporary Debate ◽  
The Public ◽  
Empirical Survey

RESUMOEste artigo busca analisar a potência política das ruas. Aborda-se, à luz de mobilizações políticas contemporâneas, a transformação de espaços do cotidiano social em recurso para a ação política. Este é o objetivo do texto, analisar, com base em episódios do ciclo de protestos recentes, a exemplo das Jornadas de Junho de 2013, no Brasil, o poder das ruas, sua potência política e a conexão existente entre essas arenas e os espaços de decisão. Acredita-se que certas manifestações políticas transformam logradouros públicos em espaços políticos abertos. Nesse sentido, fez-se uma breve discussão sobre o debate contemporâneo a respeito do espaço público para delinear uma distinção entre esse e o espaço político aberto e problematizar as condições pelas quais espaços de sociabilidade transformam-se em espaços de conflito e ação. Procurou-se, através de um levantamento empírico, explicitar a tensão entre as instituições e as ruas, bem como a potência política dessa última. Notar-se-á que diferentes manifestações políticas criam tipos ou subcategorias de espaços políticos. Palavras-chave: Espaço político; Potência política; Tensão democrática. ABSTRACTThis paper aims to analyze the potential political power of the streets. The approach, in the light of contemporary political mobilizations, is the transformation of social everyday spaces into a resource for political action. This text analyzes the power of the streets based on the cycle of recent protests in Brazil, such as the Journeys of June 2013, as well as their political power and the connection between these arenas and the spaces of decision. It is assumed that certain political manifestations turn public places into open political spaces. In this sense, a brief discussion was made on the contemporary debate about the public space to delineate a distinction between the public space and the open political space in order to problematize the conditions by which spaces of sociability become spaces of conflict and action. Through an empirical survey, it is attempted to explain the tension between institutions and the streets, as well as their the political power. It will be noted that different political manifestations create types or subcategories of political spaces.Keywords: Political space; Political power; Democratic tension.

Religious Traditions in Politics: Judaism

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth D. Wald
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
Playing Field

Lacking sovereignty, a well-developed theology of politics, and a central organizing mechanism, the Jewish political experience is unique among the three Abrahamic faiths. Apart from research on the political content implicit in Jewish scriptures, there has been little scholarship on what Jews do when they engage in political action. Using a contextual framework, this article examines the politics of Jews by reviewing both single-country studies and the few extant cross-national analyses. In considering why Jewish political behavior differs from one place to another, political process theory and Medding’s theory of Jewish interests guide the analysis. Medding argued that Jewish politics is primarily a response to threats perceived in the political environment. The ability of Jewish communities to resist such threats depends largely on the rules governing the political environment, the political opportunity structure. Where Jews are a majority and control the rules, as in the state of Israel, they have adopted a regime that prioritizes the Jewish character of the state against perceived threats from the country’s Arab citizens. Where Jews are a minority, as in the United States, their ability to control the political environment is limited. However, the political rules of the game embodied in the U.S. Constitution have levelled the playing field to the advantage of religious minorities like Jews. Specifically, by rejecting “blood and soil” citizenship and denying the religious character of the state, those rules provide Jews and other minorities a valuable resource and access to sympathetic allies in the political system. Hence American Jews have been able to counter what they perceive as the major threat to their political interests—a replacement of the secular state by a confessional regime. Focusing on threats, the political opportunity structure, and political context helps to anchor Jewish political studies in research on ethnic political cohesion and to bring such research into the scholarly mainstream.

Libya stabilisation force could be counterproductive

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Security Force ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Content Type

Significance This is part of UN-facilitated talks to agree on a national unity government that would end the political power struggle driving Libya's civil war. Should a Government of National Accord be formed in Tripoli, its security would be uncertain as Libya lacks a unified security force that would be loyal to the state alone. This has raised questions in the European Union of whether a foreign stabilisation force may be necessary. Although appetite in European capitals for an intervention appears to be generally low, such a scenario cannot be ruled out altogether. Impacts Despite the UN Envoy's optimism, he must still win over the GNC before a consensus government is formed. A united administration would prefer to avoid a foreign force guarding it, even at the urging of key international actors. In the unlikely event that European troops are involved in such a force, there may be a risk of blowback attacks in Europe.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document