Reading Hobbes’s Sovereign into a Burmese Narrative of Police Torture

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-211
Author(s):  
Nick Cheesman

Throughout February 2012, a court sitting at Myanmar’s central prison recorded a defendant’s narrative of torture by policemen to have him confess to a bombing two years prior. How was this record made possible? What does the narrative reveal about the relationship of police torturers to the political community giving them authority to act? Working from Agamben’s intuition that in the moment of violence the policeman occupies an area symmetrical to the sovereign, inasmuch as his use of violence is justified in the name of public order, I suggest the account of police torture in this case can be explained in terms of Hobbes’s theory of attributed action. Like Hobbes’s sovereign, the Burmese policemen had the prerogative to decide when and how to use violence against the detained subject on behalf of the state. That the defendant could later recount to a judge the torture done to him was only because he lacked standing to lay claims against sovereign police, who he himself, as a member of the political community, had authorised. Ironically, the record of his narrative was possible precisely because his claims were without efficacy.

Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 15 summarizes the chapters which addressed the third sphere, the relationship of labor to the political community. It reiterates that since Israel was established, the labor market’s borders have become ever more porous, while the borders of the national (Jewish) political community have remained firm: the Jewish nationalism which guides government policy is as strong as ever. NGOs, drawing on a discourse of human rights, are able to assist some non-citizens but this discourse also resonates with the idea of individual responsibility: the State is no longer willing to support “non-productive” populations, who are now being shoehorned into a labor market which offers few opportunities for meaningful employment, and is saturated by cheaper labor intentionally imported by the State in response to powerful employer lobbies. These trends suggest a partial reorientation of organized labor’s “battlefront”, from a face-off with capital to an appeal to the public and state.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 1 lays out the book’s theoretical framework. Accepting the claim that Israel is a neoliberalizing society, it asserts labor’s agency and its potential to thwart neoliberalism as part of a struggle taking place on the ideological or symbolic level too. It then proposes neocorporatism as a useful conceptual approach, and links this to union revitalization and concepts of power. These theoretical terms and concepts are used to anchor the three “spheres” of union activity which structure the book: union democracy, or workers’ relationship to their representative organization; the balance of power between labor and capital, and the way the potential clash of interests between them is viewed and played out; and the relationship of labor to the political establishment and wider political community. Finally, a short coda explains the research process and approach that led to the book.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 89-99
Author(s):  
M. A. Shirokova

The importance of the ethical principles of individualism and tolerance in the political ethics of liberalism has been studied from the moment of the emergence of liberal ideology to the present day. Using the conceptions of Russian and foreign philosophers, the author traces the relationship of these principles with the situation of the collapse and crisis of the moral system of the post-modern society. The author claims that the liberal doctrine as a whole has a paradoxical effect on the moral consciousness of the modern person, hindering his self-identification.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 235
Author(s):  
Sayid Anshar

<p><em>The concept of state in Islam only regulates principles or principles, among others, about leaders who must be honest, trustworthy, fair, transparent, and protect human rights (fitrah). Islam teaches and gives guidance in the life of the state. This means that the State must be built as a home to uphold justice in accordance with the rights that are basically owned by every citizen. The success of the Prophet Muhammad. Building a Muslim community in Medina by some Muslim intellectuals is called the City State.  The problem in this research is how the concept of the rule of law in the perspective of Islamic law. The method used in this research is descriptive research, descriptive research is intended to provide data as thorough as possible about an effort, symptoms, events and events that occur at the moment, and is deductive based on general theories applied to explain about a set of data, the relationship of a set of data with another set of data. In this study the method used is a normative juridical approach. The activities carried out are the inventory of legal materials, identification of legal materials, classification of legal materials, systematization of legal materials, and interpretation and construction of legal materials.  Based on the results of the study shows the concept of the State of Islamic Law Perspective with various scopes between the idea of state, Religion, State and law according to </em><em>Al-Quran</em> <em>and Hadith as well as the contribution of Islamic Law to the development of National Law.  </em></p>


2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-234
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Schoenblum

The paper is concerned with the relationship of taxation to conceptions of the state and the community. The paper contends that public finance theorists have focused little attention on what, precisely, the state is and the role of subnational and supranational communities, even though understanding the state and these communities is essential for grasping how tax revenues are really distributed. The failure of public finance to do so is explainable by the powerful faith in the expertise of theorists and bureaucrats and abstract models for social welfare, whether or not they work or would be agreed upon and implemented via the political process.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-24
Author(s):  
Maciej Pichlak

The objective of the paper is to present various forms of constitutionalism, with a special focus on constitutionalism understood as a form of reflection of political community. The paper adopts the perspective of reflexivity theory in order to reconstruct the basic alternatives in that regard, and also to reveal their potential advant ges and weaknesses. As it is demonstrated, it is precisely philosophical and sociological conceptions of reflexivity that are particularly suitable for understanding the specificities of constitutionalism – indeed, the latter, as a discourse about the foundations of the political and legal existence of a given community, inevitably assumes the form of reflection. The special focus within the paper is devoted to two key distinctions within the sphere of reflexivity theory, which impact the manner in which constitutional reflection is performed. The first of the distinctions concerns the relationship of reflection to tradition, while the second is done according to the criterion of the logical structure of reflexive cognizance. It is argued here that the dominant version of modern constitutionalism prescribes that constitutional reflexion be perceived as a closed process with the objective of emancipation from tradition. An alternative to this mainstream approach can be proposed in the form of capturing constitutionalism as reflexion with its foundation in tradition, at the same time dialogically mediated in other forms of social and political discourse.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Ong Argo Victoria

This paper examines the political history of the relationship between Malaysia and Singapore, focusing on the notion of citizenship and its ethnic, civic and political dimensions. It analyses the extent to which the merger of Singapore with Malaysia redefined the citizenship boundaries of the Malaysian national political identity. The incorporation of Singaporean citizens into the Malaysian political community was controversial, as it was closely related to electoral stakes. The ruling People’s Action Party and the Alliance Party attempted to delineate the political sphere of the population of each political unit through the demarcation between ‘citizenship’ and ‘nationality’. However, the citizenship crisis continued to trouble the relationship of these states to the point that both parties breached the perceived agreement not to interfere with the other’s political sphere of influence. This sphere of influence was delineated on the basis of race, thus cutting across political territory rather than territorial attributes. The ideological clashes over the meaning of citizenship that arose during the political merger of Singapore and Malaya, show that a truly Malaysian citizenship could not be developed-only a Malaysia of citizens.


Author(s):  
Ayelet Shachar

“There are some things that money can’t buy.” Is citizenship among them? This chapter explores this question by highlighting the core legal and ethical puzzles associated with the surge in cash-for-passport programs. The spread of these new programs is one of the most significant developments in citizenship practice in the past few decades. It tests our deepest intuitions about the meaning and attributes of the relationship between the individual and the political community to which she belongs. This chapter identifies the main strategies employed by a growing number of states putting their visas and passports “for sale,” selectively opening their otherwise bolted gates of admission to the high-net-worth individuals of the world. Moving from the positive to the normative, the discussion then elaborates the main arguments in favor of, as well as against, citizenship-for-sale. The discussion draws attention to the distributive and political implications of these developments, both locally and globally, and identifies the deeper forces at work that contribute to the perpetual testing, blurring, and erosion of the state-market boundary regulating access to membership.


2021 ◽  
pp. 186-208
Author(s):  
Alessandra Nunes de Oliveira ◽  
Jetur Lima de Castro ◽  
Cecília Abrahão Nascimento Santi ◽  
Liliane Silva do Nascimento

This research discusses the objectification relations, visual and informational representation of the woman identified in the cartoons found in Careta, a humor magazine in the beginning of the 20thcentury, in Brazil. The relationship between humor and the image of women is problematized through the cartoons in the columns of the Caretamagazine, which created discursive deformations of what would be the feminist movement through graphic humor, that is, through comic phrases and drawings. Based on the magazine's documentary narrative raised through the cartoons, it presents some discursive and visual representations placing women in a situation of subordination. Given that 'reading' a visual text is also an attempt to dissolve its fetishes, it is added that the cartoons represent cultural codes of a given period and show everyday or thought, as well as the vision of what was or is at the moment of looking. of readers. In our scope, Caretamagazine becomes an important source of information to discuss the image of women and the objectification that was addressed in this periodical in the beginning of the 20thcentury in Brazil. In the cartoons, there are satires of the image of the feminist and women's movement. Therefore, it is worth emphasizing that the theme addressed is relevant for understanding the political-social development in the issue of the emancipation of the image of women. In short, our analysis perceives the stereotype that exists in the “poorly formatted” discourse of Caretamagazine, that influenced ways of thinking and acting according to the relationship of aesthetic standards of what would be the ideal of women and the image of the feminist movement, confronting them from yesterday to today.


2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Mahathir Muhammad Iqbal

<p class="IIABSBARU">This research is an effort to find the relevance of the relationship between religion and the state are ideal. Because the formalization of Islamic shariah issue in political discourse is an interesting study in the relation between religion and state. By using the library approach, this article analyzes the involvement of the state in regulating citizens to implement Islamic shariah in Indonesia. Neutrality of the state to be the key in finding the relationship of both. Theoretically, this study provides an explanation that neutrality is not only understood as a state of devotion to give the rights of citizens to pray by faith, but also to limit citizens. For the implementation of shariah will be established and run well, when the state has a neutrality. So the state does not attract Islamic shariah becomes an official policy or state laws (shariah formalization). So also a Muslim can bring religion into the political circle, but only in the level of political ethics.</p><p class="IIABSBARU" align="center">***</p>Penelitian ini merupakan ikhtiar untuk menemukan relevansi hubungan agama dan negara yang ideal. Sebab Isu formalisasi syariat Islam dalam politik menjadi kajian menarik dalam wacana relasi agama dan negara. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan pustaka, artikel ini menganalisis keterlibatan negara dalam mengatur warga negara untuk mengimplementasikan syariat Islam di Indonesia. Adanya netralitas negara menjadi kunci dalam menemukan relasi keduanya. Secara teoritis, studi ini memberikan penjelasan bahwa netralitas tidak hanya dipahami sebagai pengabdian negara untuk memberikan hak-hak warga negara untuk berdoa berdasarkan iman, tetapi juga untuk membatasi warga negara. Sebab dalam pelaksanaan syariat akan dapat mapan dan berjalan dengan baik, manakala negara memiliki netralitas. Sehingga negara tidak menarik syariat Islam menjadi sebuah kebijakan resmi atau peraturan negara (formalisasi syariat). Dengan begitu seorang Muslim dapat membawa agama ke dalam lingkaran politik, tetapi hanya dalam tingkat etika politik.


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