scholarly journals Dansk idræt og den nazistiske udfordring i 1930'erne

2009 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Bonde
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Nation State ◽  
World War ◽  
German Nation

Artiklen omhandler det uadskillige forhold mellem sport og politik og fokuserer på den danske idrætsverdens reaktioner på den nazistiske magtovertagelse i 1933 med særlig henblik på OL i Berlin 1936. Danish sport and the Nazi-challenge in the 1930’sDenmark’s small size as a nation state and its vulnerable position as neighbour to an aggressive and armed German nation, increasingly through the second half of the 1930s, gave Danish responses to German sport its peculiar touch. Firstly, in Nazi mythology, Denmark was defined as a pure Aryan zone and therefore should be treated in the best manner possible. This racial concept, however, was not fully understood in the Danish sporting world that just noted the friendly attitudes of the sporting authorities of Germany. Secondly, it was possible in a direct geographical sense to link Denmark to Germany through women’s distance swimming between the two countries and through events such as the three-day Berlin to Copenhagen stage race. As a consequence of this, Denmark, as the sole nation among the European democracies, continued to cooperate on the sporting field with Germany after World War II had broken out until the occupation of Denmark 9. April 1940.

scholarly journals Trzecia Rzesza wobec Romów i Sinti – w kręgu rasizmu i ludobójstwa

2017 ◽  
pp. 11-32
Author(s):  
Piotr Jacek Krzyżanowski
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Criminal Activity ◽  
Concentration Camps ◽  
World War ◽  
German Nation ◽  
National Socialists ◽  
Roma People ◽  
The Right ◽  
Compulsory Sterilisation

The Third Reich’s policy towards the Sinti and Roma people was based on racist theories claiming the superiority of the German nation over other nations. The rule of the National Socialists in Germany systematically eliminated the Sinti and Roma people from all areas of public life. They were regarded as a socially unassimilated group prone to criminal activity. Consequently, the Roma and Sinti people were refused the right to live and were subject to compulsory sterilisation and systematic extermination during World War II. It was in German-occupied Poland that the extermination was carried out to the greatest extent. Losses among the Roma and Sinti people have not been precisely estimated yet. Approximately at least 250,000 lost their lives in ghettos, concentration camps and outside the camps.

Maintaining Modernity

2018 ◽  
pp. 169-205
Author(s):  
Michitake Aso
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Industrial Agriculture ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
World War ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
Building Projects ◽  
Imperial Power ◽  
Indochina War

Rubber trees helped structure the violent transition from empire to nation-state during nearly thirty years of conflict on the Indochinese peninsula. Chapter 5 focuses on the struggle over plantations that took place in Vietnam and Cambodia between 1945 and 1954. During the First Indochina War, plantation environments served as a key military battleground. In the fighting that took place immediately after the end of World War II, many plantation workers, encouraged by the anticolonial Việt Minh, attacked the rubber trees as symbols of hated colonial-era abuse. Slogans placing the culpability of worker suffering on trees show how plantation workers often treated the trees themselves as enemies. Despite their colonial origins, plantation environments were important material and symbolic landscapes for those seeking to build postcolonial Vietnamese nations. French planters claimed to struggle heroically against nature, Vietnamese workers saw themselves as struggling against both nature and human exploitation, and anticolonial activists articulated struggles against imperial power structures. Industrial agriculture such as rubber was vital to nation-building projects, and by the early 1950s, Vietnamese planners began to envision a time when plantations would form a part of a national economy.

scholarly journals The Syrkus couple and the global cause of modernism

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 494-508
Author(s):  
Martin Kohlrausch
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Nation State ◽  
World War ◽  
Catching Up ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
New Nation ◽  
The Impact

This article discusses the role of modernist architects in Poland during the first half of the twentieth century. The article argues that against the background of economic catching-up processes and the establishment of a new nation state and capital, modernist architects could enter into a close relationship with the modernising state. This relationship could partially survive World War II, albeit under different auspices. By employing the example of Poland’s foremost modernist architect Szymon Syrkus and his wife Helena, and their extensive correspondence with other Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne architects, the article discusses, moreover, the impact of the deep breaks coming with the rise of authoritarian regimes in the 1930s, the coming World War and the Holocaust, and finally the establishment of communist regimes on modernist architects.

scholarly journals Channeling Janus: The Birth of the West German State and Rebirth of the German Nation

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Jacovou
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Direct Consequence ◽  
German History ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Extremism ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
German State ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
German Nation

CESAA Essay Competition 2018 – Undergraduate winner: Jack JacovouThis essay will submit three arguments which will sustain this thesis respectively: 1) the incorporation of expellees, the expellee movement, and their irredentism which romanticised the Nazi period, saw a form political extremism rise as a direct consequence of the breakup of Germany after World War II (WWII)1; 2) the decline of the German Communist Party (KPD) and National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) reflected Germans becoming critical of the political extremism prevalent between the 1919 until 19452; 3) influenced by both the War and German history wholistically, the Allies and Germans crafted a Basic Law (Grundgesetz) which embodied a strong parliamentary and federal system.3 With all this in mind, the first argument to highlight how Germany drew upon its history to craft new political institutions and a new culture, is the incorporation of the expellees and their irredentism.

THE POLITICAL HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE 1989 GDR REFUGEES PASSING THROUGH HUNGARY

2021 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-16
Author(s):  
Stelian TAMPU
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Raising Awareness ◽  
German Nation

Raising awareness on the political-historical background of the popular movements of the 20th century is very important because behind the stories there were often ill-considered political decisions. It is interesting to see how the last century leaders of the great powers represented their self-interests, and what political games they had developed to achieve their political goals. The interests of nations living in countries were often not interesting to take into consideration. The Soviet Union was not a nation-state, but neither was the United States of America, while at that time most of the European states were nationstates, and along this were nations that sought to assert their national interests, by force when necessary. However, the post-World War II political settlements did not serve the interests of the German nation, but divided its population and turned them against one other. This is why the movement of German citizens within Germany has occurred.

The treasure of the Berlin State museums and its allied capture: remarks and questions

1998 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 308-341
Author(s):  
K Goldmann
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Documentary Evidence ◽  
World War ◽  
Art Objects ◽  
Art Works ◽  
German Nation ◽  
History Of

Following the disclosure of archives in the former Soviet Union detailing art works taken from Germany at the end of World War II, it is now possible to reconstruct more accurately a history of those objects removed from Germany but never returned. Inconsistencies in the documentary evidence concerning both the location of objects sent West from Berlin and other repositories (particularly in the last few months of the war) and the number of objects returned to Germany indicate that the United States may have been involved in an unofficial policy of claiming as war booty art treasures form the conquered German nation. This article attempts to detail some of those inconsistencies by comparing what is known of the inventories of German museums before the war, the movements of art objects and repositories used during the war, and the inventories of the German museums today, in order to reconstruct some of this missing pact.

scholarly journals Nimble Nationalism: Transgenerational Experiences of East Karelian Refugees in Finland and Sweden

2021 ◽  
pp. 267-293
Author(s):  
Seija Jalagin
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Oral History ◽  
Home Country ◽  
Nation State ◽  
World War ◽  
Migrant Community ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
History Narratives ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractLooking at the relationship of experiences and memory Jalagin discusses the significance of the nation for a minority of a minority. Focusing on Soviet Karelian refugees who sought asylum first in interwar Finland and then in post-World War II Sweden, the chapter explores family histories as presented by government authorities in archival documents as well as in written and oral history narratives. Jalagin argues that the nation-state dominated the national experience because the refugees were meticulously controlled by government immigration policies and practices. While considering Sweden their home country, the refugees emotionally tended to identify with the Finnish migrant community in Sweden. Their sense of Finnishness testifies to flexible nationalism, making the nation-state an ambivalent, yet important element in their life.

Economic Development and Institutional Change, 1914–1950

2018 ◽  
pp. 184-203
Author(s):  
Şevket Pamuk
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Institutional Change ◽  
Nation State ◽  
World War ◽  
Average Growth ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Large Fluctuations ◽  
Per Capita

This chapter explains how the period 1913 to 1950 was exceptionally difficult for Turkey. The country had to deal with the difficulties of the transition from being part of a larger empire to becoming a nation-state within new borders. Available data suggest income per capita declined by as much as 40 percent during World War I and remained depressed until the end of the War of Independence in 1922. Per capita incomes then increased rapidly in the 1920s and caught up with their pre-World War I levels and may have even slightly exceeded them by 1929. They then fell sharply, by more than 30 percent during World War II. Given these very large fluctuations in per capita income, it makes a big difference which end years are used in calculating the average growth rates for this period.

1. Integration and Disintegration before 1945

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Stirk
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Economic Integration ◽  
New Order ◽  
Nation State ◽  
World War ◽  
National Integration ◽  
Postwar Reconstruction ◽  
History Of

This chapter examines patterns of national integration and international disintegration in the decades before World War II. It first provides an overview of integration and disintegration before World War I, along with World War I and postwar reconstruction, before discussing the challenge of the New Order envisioned by Adolf Hitler. It argues that national integration was a source of myths that formed an obstacle to the consolidation of incipient European integration. It also shows that economic integration did not lead inexorably to political unification and that visions of empire, central to the history of the major European states, challenged the supposed pre-eminence of the nation state and were bound up, in varying degrees, with some visions of integration. Finally, the chapter explains how integration, often assumed to be a peaceful process in contrast to the violent proclivities of nationalism and the nation state, has not always taken a benign form.

Interdependence: Myth or Reality?

1973 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Rosecrance ◽  
Arthur Stein
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International Economy ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Nation State ◽  
World War ◽  
External Reference ◽  
The World ◽  
International Transactions ◽  
National Economies

One of the uncertainties of modern international relations is the degree of interdependence among states. Some theorists have asserted that interdependence is high and/or growing, and others have maintained that it is low and/or declining. Essentially, the debate about interdependence has proceeded in three separate phases, (i) In the aftermath of World War II, technology was heralded as the stimulus to an interrelationship among states: The world was shrinking; technological, military, and economic factors would produce interdependence even among erstwhile enemies. (2) Later this conventional wisdom was challenged by Karl Deutsch and his associates, who purported to show that various economic indicators of external reference were declining. International transactions were lessening relative to intranational transactions. More and more, citizens were turning to the nation-state for the satisfaction of their needs, and national economies were taking precedence over the previous international economy of the nineteenth century. This theme has recently been powerfully reinforced by Kenneth Waltz. (3) In reaction to the claims of the Deutsch group, which initially predicted stalemate in European unification efforts and a greater autarchy for industrial states, new presentations of the argument in favor of interdependence have been made. According to this view, interdependence among states is certainly increasing. A symposium on the international corporation partly reinforces Deutsch's view, while one on transnational processes argues against it. The resultant of these theoretical vectors remains uncertain. In this essay we hope to offer new data and to provide a modest reconciliation of the contending claims, drawing a trial balance between them.

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