scholarly journals Wages and Establishment Size

2005 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 611-620 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Swimmer
Keyword(s):  
Per Se ◽  

The author examines some of the more prominent research in the light of their author symethodologies and then, using current wage-size data, illustrates that size, per se, is not a determinant of wages; other factors interacting with size can produce higher wages, but do not necessarily have to do so.

2009 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 383-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Hobson

One of the few unambiguously positive outcomes of the George W. Bush years is a greater interest in the practice of democracy promotion. However, the expansion of scholarship in this area has not been matched by an equal expansion in its scope. There continues to be an overwhelming tendency to focus exclusively on empirical case studies and policy prescriptions, usually informed by a set of unstated liberal assumptions. Nothing is necessarily wrong with this per se. The problem stems from the lack of attention directed toward the larger theoretical and conceptual frameworks that inform and shape these practices. Responding to this state of affairs, this article examines the way certain theoretical tendencies and commitments have helped give rise to many problematic aspects of liberal democracy promotion. It is necessary to challenge the restrictive framework that currently dominates. It is argued that to do so entails rethinking, extending, and pluralizing the way democracy itself is conceived.


2004 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 365-380
Author(s):  

AbstractAdvances in genetic science are increasing the significance of genetic information within the contractual environment. While there may be an obligation upon governments to respond to this trend a number of problems may be associable with any attempt to do so that is centred on the concept of genetic discrimination as such. An attempt to exclusively limit regulatory reform to the acquisition and use of specifically genetic information may prove ultimately indefensible: the nature of genetic information is likely to render any such reform either ineffective or unworkable in practice or prove it arbitrary in principle.This position may be defended through a sustained look at what might conceivably be understood by the term 'genetic discrimination'. The term may, broadly speaking, be understood to refer to one of three kinds of discrimination. Tracing the conceptual contours of genetic discrimination in a primary, secondary and tertiary sense helps to illustrate potential regulatory difficulties of both principle and practice.If the identified practical problems are to be avoided then lines must be drawn not between the three 'kinds' of genetic discrimination described but rather through them. However, drawing a line through a particular concept of genetic discrimination (and of genetic information) involves undeniably excluding certain genetic information from the scope of the regulation.If an unblinking focus upon the concept of genetic information per se demonstrates the limits of this concept as a focus of legislative reform then questions are raised as to the significance of 'genetic' interpretation to the raison d'être of regulation. I conclude by proposing that, while advances in genetic science may provide the motivation, the most appropriate target of reform may not indeed be genetic information per se at all.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-138
Author(s):  
Will Atkinson

Vincent van Gogh is one of the most well-known and influential artists in the western tradition. A sociological analysis of his creative practice, therefore, not only illuminates particularly consequential interventions in the history of art, with its knock-on effects for cultural consumption, but affords an opportunity for deepening our understanding of cultural production per se. At stake, I argue, is a fundamental artistic disposition – in this case, an aesthetic orientation toward nature and sentiment – persisting through, if not underpinning, changes of style. This article reconstructs the myriad forces involved in the genesis of this disposition in van Gogh’s early years. It draws upon the conceptual tools of Pierre Bourdieu to do so, but goes beyond them by stressing the importance of familial heritage and ‘second order’ field effects in shaping the young van Gogh’s aesthetic sympathies, long before he briefly entered the French artistic field in his final year of life.


Author(s):  
Caron E. Gentry

This chapter establishes feminist Christian realism in IR as focused upon addressing power structures and articulating a rigorous creative response to anxiety. A creative response to injustice recognizes not just the ability of love to operate in political contexts but the absolute need for it to do so. Creativity has been reduced to an egotistical proposition, glorifying human ingenuity and genius. It tends to focus on the people who are well recognized and therefore set apart from the rest of population for their contributions to society: whether this is written or spoken word, music, visual arts, or inventions. There is an alternative perspective on creativity, one that is not located within human ingenuity per se but rather on relationships, community, and agape—one that is cognizant of mutual vulnerability.


1986 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 851-858 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. E. Nattie ◽  
P. Moore

Intravenous infusion in conscious rabbits of Hacetate decreases both arterial CO2 partial pressure PaCO2 and cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) HCO3- more than observed with HCl or HNO3 infusion. These acids did not affect CSF HCO3- in isocapnic conditions, and this study asks whether Hacetate infusion will do so. Arterial, central venous, and cisterna magna catheters were implanted in pentobarbital-anesthetized rabbits and all subsequent measurements were performed in the conscious state. Hacetate was infused intravenously over 6 h to decrease plasma HCO3- the same amount in a group allowed to decrease its PaCO2 in response to the acid (hypocapnic) and one in which PaCO2 was maintained at control levels (isocapnic). CSF HCO3- decreased significantly in isocapnia, although the change was less than in hypocapnia. Stoichiometrically by 6 h the measured CSF HCO3- change was balanced by an increase in acetate in hypocapnia and the sum of an increase in acetate and a decrease in chloride in isocapnia. Mechanistically, net acetate entry into CSF appears to involve an exchange for chloride as proposed for NO3-/Cl- and a process that lowers CSF HCO3-. This process could be competitive replacement of HCO3- by acetate in the CSF production mechanism or nonionic diffusive entry of Hacetate into CSF with subsequent titration of HCO3-. The decreases in CSF HCO3- result from the acetate mechanism and the hypocapnic effect on Cl- and HCO3-. The greater ventilatory response results from the greater CSF acidification or a specific effect of acetate per se.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 66-81
Author(s):  
Fabio Belafatti

Existing literature on gender and nationalism has postulated that nationalist narratives tend to convey patriarchal and restrictive views of gender roles, with women’s domesticity and subordination at the core of such interpretations. This paper tests this theory by looking at three examples of state-sponsored or state-produced communication in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, arguing that the simple existence of a regime’s nationalist ideological orientation is not per se sufficient to explain or anticipate the kind of gender narratives a regime will adopt. Instead, the paper calls for an analysis of internal political mechanisms and incentives in order to explain and anticipate the specific forms that discourses around gender will take in a given political environment. In order to do so, it tries to combine the rational choice-based “Selectorate Theory” (Bueno de Mesquita et al., 2003) with existing literature on nationalism and gender, to define a connection between political systems on the one hand and discourses on the other.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 242-257
Author(s):  
Taku Yukawa ◽  
Kaoru Hidaka

While democratic revolutions are not uniform in their pursuit of democracy, they do have something in common: those calling for revolution and participating in demonstrations do so under the banner of democracy. However, studies have revealed that these citizens were not at first committed to democracy per se; rather, they took the opportunity to vent their frustration against the current regime because of their struggle against poverty and social inequality. Why, then, do citizens who are not pursuing democracy per se participate in revolutions under the banner of democracy? Previous studies have failed to clarify this point. To fill this gap, we outline three strategic rationalities and necessities behind the use of “democracy” as a common slogan to justify civil revolutions: 1) organizing large scale dissident movements in a country; 2) attracting international support; and 3) imitating successful examples from the past. Evidence from the 2003 Rose Revolution in Georgia and the 2005 Orange Revolution in Ukraine supports this theory.


It is a natural thought that if discerning some morally relevant factor would be exceptionally difficult, we are not to blame if we fail to recognize it. This chapter argues that difficulty per se does not shape the epistemic condition. According to the best account of difficulty, difficulty is a matter of exerting effort. All other apparent kinds of difficulty can be explained by this unified account. Further, there is no stock set of what we may call effort-requiring features. Importantly, some of these effort-requiring features mitigate blameworthiness, whereas others do not. Effort-requiring features that reflect badly on the agent, for example, mitigate blameworthiness to a lesser extent than those that do not. Difficulty itself does not actually mitigate blameworthiness. In cases where difficulty does appear to mitigate blameworthiness, it is either the effort-requiring features that do so, or it is overriding considerations lost through sacrifice of effort.


2011 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard J. Arneson

AbstractOne way to think about capitalism-versus-socialism is to examine the extent to which capitalist economic institutions are compatible with the fulfillment of socialist ideals. The late G. A. Cohen has urged that the two are strongly incompatible. He imagines how it would make sense for friends to organize a camping trip, distills the socialist moral principles that he sees fulfilled in the camping trip model, and observes that these principles conflict with a capitalist organization of the economy. He adds that these principles are ethically attractive, so if it is feasible to organize the economy on the camping trip model, we ought to do so. This essay argues to the contrary that for all that has been said, capitalist economic arrangements might be in the set of institutional arrangements that overall would best fulfill the camping trip principles, and anyway, the principles themselves ought to be rejected, so the question whether or not a capitalist set-up might satisfy these principles should not interest us. The grounds for rejecting the camping trip principles support a form of welfarist consequentialism that denies that equality of distribution of any sort is per se ethically desirable and also denies that liberal freedoms to live as one chooses are per se morally desirable. Equality and freedom should rather be regarded as in the light of possible means (or hindrances) to advancing good for people, fairly distributed.


1976 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
Robert Burch

The paper has a threefold purpose. The first is simply expository: it outlines and explicates the general character of Jaspers' notion of the idea of the university, and seeks to do so in such a way as to make this notion more readily intelligible to readers unfamiliar with Jaspers' philosophy as a whole. To this end, it elucidates the essential content of the notion, clarifies what is meant here by the term "idea", illumines the essential philosophic foundations up-on which Jaspers' discussion is based and traces out the systematic structure of his position. Secondly, the paper states a number of basic objections to Jaspers' view, and in most cases, through the extrapolation of his explicit remarks, is able to suggest how Jaspers himself might have responded to these objections. The purpose of this discussion, however, is not principally to resolve the issues raised, but simply to open the way for genuine debate. Thirdly, throughout the paper the attempt is made, both explicitly and implicitly, to establish the relevance of Jaspers' work to current university problems. This is accomplished on two levels: the first emphasises the importance per se of continued reflection on the idea of the university as the means of gaining needed clarity regarding both the true nature and mission of the university and the ultimate significance of our commitment to this in- stitution; and the second indicates how Jaspers' particular judgements concerning this first matter bear directly upon more specific issues, e.g. the relation of teaching and research, academic standards, university autonomy, the essential responsibilities of professors and students, etc. Implicit to this threefold intention is the conviction that philosophic reflection on the idea of the university is vital to the institution's authentic existence, and that Jaspers' own work in this area is at present unrivalled in its breadth of vision and profundity. It is thus hoped that the paper will lead its readers to a more serious consideration of Jaspers' work, and from there, once they perceive what is really at stake, to a reflection on the issue itself - the idea of the university.


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