scholarly journals L’administration Reagan et le régime castriste (janvier 1981-juillet 1982)

2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 427-443
Author(s):  
Marie-Christine Granjon
Keyword(s):  
Central America ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Approach ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
The North ◽  
Cuban Government ◽  
East West ◽  
The Ideal

Because of the Cuban presence in Africa (Angola), President Carter put a stop, in November 1978, to the normalization procedures started with Cuba at the commencement of his mandate. The Reagan administration, far from redressing the situation, has worsened it by incessantly accusing and threatening the Cuban government. At the rime of General Haig's resignation as State Secretary on June 26, 1982, his policy of intimidation towards Cuba had failed to keep the Castro's regime in step. Moreover, the American policy has been thwarted by external obstacles — the attitudes of the Cuban and Soviet leaders, the change in the political climate in Latin America (the conflict in the Malvinas) - and by internal causes - blunders, conflicting announcements, incoherent strategies, fluctuating and equivocal appraisals of the situation by the Reagan administration. This administration has alternately advocated a military solution to the Cuban problem and an essentially economic approach to neutralise the castrist influence in the region. Cuba has been at rimes referred to as a sovereign State to be dealt with on a bilateral basis, and at other rimes as a soviet satellite to be handled with the framework of East-West relations. Under the Reagan administration, Cuba has remained more than ever the ideal scapegoat of American leaders faced with a reassessment of the "pax americana" in Central America and in the North-South relations.

Freedom Tide? Ideology, Politics, and the Origins of Democracy Promotion in U.S. Central America Policy, 1980–1984

2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 60-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan McCormick
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Central America ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
Dramatic Shift

The Reagan administration came to power in 1981 seeking to downplay Jimmy Carter's emphasis on human rights in U.S. policy toward Latin America. Yet, by 1985 the administration had come to justify its policies towards Central America in the very same terms. This article examines the dramatic shift that occurred in policymaking toward Central America during Ronald Reagan's first term. Synthesizing existing accounts while drawing on new and recently declassified material, the article looks beyond rhetoric to the political, intellectual, and bureaucratic dynamics that conditioned the emergence of a Reaganite human rights policy. The article shows that events in El Salvador suggested to administration officials—and to Reagan himself—that support for free elections could serve as a means of shoring up legitimacy for embattled allies abroad, while defending the administration against vociferous human rights criticism at home. In the case of Nicaragua, democracy promotion helped to eschew hard decisions between foreign policy objectives. The history of the Reagan Doctrine's contentious roots provides a complex lens through which to evaluate subsequent U.S. attempts to foster democracy overseas.

The 1977 Protocols: a landmark in the development of international humanitarian law

1997 ◽  
Vol 37 (320) ◽  
pp. 483-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
René Kosirnik
Keyword(s):  
Initial Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
The World ◽  
The Hague ◽  
The Law ◽  
East West

By adopting on 8 June 1977 the two Protocols additional to the 1949 Conventions, the States meeting in Geneva brought to a successful conclusion four years of arduous negotiations. The Protocols took four years, the Conventions only four months. Why such a huge difference?In 1949, once the initial period of instinctive rejection of anything related to war had passed, a natural consensus emerged regarding the main evils which needed to be banned by law. Besides, the delicate subject of the rules governing the conduct of hostilities — the law of The Hague, as it is called, also part of humanitarian law — was left out of the discussions. It was also a time when the political map of the world was fairly monolithic, in the sense that the North still dominated the South, and East-West tensions had not yet escalated.

scholarly journals Between Economic Interests and Political Constraints

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovanni Bernardini
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Bilateral Exchange ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
East West

This article deals with the relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the People’s Republic of China during the early Cold War decades. The traditional historiographical paradigm of the East-West confrontation assumes that any form of cooperation was impossible between the two countries. However, a shift of focus from the political sphere to the economic one reveals how pattern of conduct predating 1949, as well as purely economic reasons, brought actors from both sides to agree on a set of rules for bilateral exchange, and to improve the trade performance despite the highs and lows of the political climate and the bloc allegiance of both countries.

Prehistoric Political Change on the Southeast Mesoamerican Periphery

1992 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boyd Dixon
Keyword(s):  
Central America ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Settlement Pattern ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
Indigenous Cultures

AbstractRecent archaeological settlement pattern research in the 550 sq km Comayagua Valley in central Honduras has documented considerable variation in the political structure of one ranked society over a 2,500-year period of prehistory. Data presented suggest that this Lenca and proto-Lenca culture group underwent at least five major political restructurings during this time as a response to the local, regional, and interregional political climate on the southeast Mesoamerican periphery. Such variability calls into question traditional models postulating a lack of complexity or adaptive flexibility for indigenous cultures of lower Central America.

The Politics of School Reform and the Kulturkampf

1989 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjorie Lamberti
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ministry Of Education ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
The North ◽  
Political Catholicism ◽  
Formed Part ◽  
School Supervision

Bismarck’s struggle against political Catholicism and dissatisfaction with the supervision of the schools in the Polish-speaking areas of Prussia propelled the school administration on to a new course after 1870. His choice of Adalbert Falk brought to the head of the Ministry of Education on January 22, 1872 a judicial official who was philosophically close to the National Liberal party. During his seven years in office, Falk broke with the practices followed by his predecessors and introduced measures to dissolve the traditional bonds between the church and the school. The objectives of the school reforms were to professionalize school supervision by the appointment of full-time school inspectors in place of the clergy, to weaken the church’s influence in the school system by curtailing its right to direct the instruction of religion, and to merge Catholic and Protestant public schools into interconfessional schools, providing an education that would dissolve religious particularism and cultivate German national consciousness and patriotic feeling. These innovations thrust school politics into the foreground of the Kulturkampf in Prussia. School affairs became a matter of high politics for Bismarck when groups whom he regarded as enemies of the German Empire coalesced into a Catholic political party in 1870. Opposition in the Catholic Rhineland to Prussia’s aggressive war against Austria in 1866 led him to question the political loyalty of the Catholics, and the political behavior of the Catholics after the founding of the North German Confederation confirmed his suspicion. While the Polish faction in the Reichstag of 1867 protested the absorption of Polish Prussia into a German confederation, other Catholic deputies took up the defense of federalism and criticized those articles in Bismarck’s draft of the constitution that created too strong a central government. In the final vote the Catholics formed part of the minority that rejected the constitution. This act reinforced his image of political Catholicism as an intransigent and unpatriotic opposition. The organization of the Center party was a defensive response to the vulnerable position of the Catholic minority in the new empire, which had a political climate of liberal anticlericalism and Protestant nationalist euphoria that seemed to threaten the rights and interests of the Catholic church.

Narco-Accumulation

2020 ◽  
pp. 107-190
Author(s):  
Gareth Williams
Keyword(s):  
Central America ◽  
Central American ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Relation ◽  
Social Violence ◽  
The North ◽  
The Social ◽  
The U.S ◽  
American Migration

This passage examines narco-accumulation—or illicit globalization—as a contemporary modality of war with specific existential connotations. It challenges previously sovereign national territory, which is now reconverted into the ritualized performance, living geography, and paramilitary end-game of post-katechontic force. For example, it realigns Mexico’s military-economic relation to the North, while also redefining and intensifying Mexican paramilitary force’s relation of dominance over the impoverished political spaces of, and the migrant bodies that flee from the social violence in, Central America. The national territory of Mexico becomes the new border, the tomb of the proper, the negation of space by space. The passage ends with the image of contemporary Central American migration to the U.S. as the site for an infrapolitical thinking of existence, capable of undermining the domination of the political over existence. This is the clearing promised throughout the book.

Delineating Regional Subsystems: Visit Networks and the Middle Eastern Case

1981 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
William R. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
International Politics ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The Political ◽  
Interaction Patterns ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Major Exception ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
East West

Reflecting the political climate and preoccupations of the time, structural examinations of international politics in the 1950s and early 1960s tended to focus on East-West interaction patterns and associated questions of global polarity and polarization. A major exception to this statement has been provided by an eclectic group of regional subsystem analyses which were, at least initially, intended to counteract the distortions perceived to be associated with an exclusively global, bipolar perspective.

STALLED REFORM: FAMILY LAW IN POST-UNIFICATION YEMEN

2003 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Würth
Keyword(s):  
Family Law ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Law Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Judicial Interpretation ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Court Records ◽  
The North ◽  
The Status

AbstractI examine here the conditions that have impacted on family law reform in unified Yemen. I will argue that during the early 1990s, the political climate of post-unification Yemen was polarized between supporters of the status quo ante— advocates of laissez-faire in the North and state intervention in the South. This division rendered any meaningful debate on family law impossible. Drawing on urban court records from the 1980s to the mid-1990s, I will show that courts are frequented mainly by women of modest origins who sue for divorce and maintenance, but who are discriminated against by judicial interpretation. Elite women use the courts only rarely and are comparatively better served by current judicial interpretation; thus, they have little concern for changing provisions on divorce and maintenance. Evaluating debates on women's rights in the late 1990s, I will briefly introduce some governmental and non-governmental initiatives with respect to family law to gauge current possibilities for reform.

scholarly journals Jean Etxepare eta Eskola (1901-1926)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Argia Olçomendy
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Basque Country ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Educational Context ◽  
Ideal Teacher ◽  
The North ◽  
Siglo Xx ◽  
Pais Vasco ◽  
The Ideal

LABURPENA Artikulu honek Jean Etxeparek eskolari buruz duen pentsamolde koherente eta originalaren aztertzeko xedea du. Bere ikusmolde laikoa xx. mende hastapeneko Ipar Euskal Herriko testuinguru politiko eta pedagogikoan kokatu behar da. Euskara eskolan sartzeari buruz gogoetatu ondoan, irakasle idealaren figura marrazten du eta Ipar Euskal Herriko ikasle euskaldun ikasiaren kultura zehazten. RESUMEN El presente artículo analiza el pensamiento coherente y original que desarrolla Jean Etxepare en torno a la escuela. Su visión laica debe situarse en el contexto político y pedagógico del País Vasco Continental a principios del siglo xx. Tras reflexionar sobre la incorporación del euskera en las escuelas, traza la figura del profesor ideal y define la cultura del alumno instruido del País Vasco Continental. ABSTRACT This article proposes to explore the coherent and original mindset of Jean Etxepare about school. His secular vision of the 20th century must be placed in the political and educational context of the North Basque Country at the turn of the century. After reflecting on the inclusion of Basque in the school, he drew the figure of the ideal teacher and described the culture of the Basque scholar from the northern Basque Country.

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