Introduction: The State, Development, and the (Un)Making of the Middle Class

2018 ◽  
pp. 1-31
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
The State ◽  
State Development

The State's Developmentalist Illusion and the Origins of Illegal Coca Cultivation in Peru's Alto Huallaga Valley (1960–80)

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Maritza Paredes ◽  
Hernán Manrique
Keyword(s):  
Drug Trafficking ◽  
Natural Environment ◽  
Soil Degradation ◽  
Illegal Drug ◽  
The State ◽  
Peruvian Amazon ◽  
State Development ◽  
Ecological Conditions ◽  
International Demand ◽  
Development Plans

Abstract The origin of illicit economies has been understood as a consequence of ‘low stateness’ (i.e. low reach of the state). Given the limited stateness in many regions, however, this article seeks to explain how only some sub-national territories have become vulnerable to illegal drug trafficking. To make this case, the representative example of the Alto Huallaga valley, in the Peruvian Amazon, is analysed. This article argues that ineffective development and settlement efforts by the Peruvian state in the Alto Huallaga, rather than the absence of the state, produced socio-ecological conditions in the region, in the late 1970s, that made it more vulnerable to the illegal economy. At the same time as international demand for illegal cocaine was expanding, two conditions resulting from frustrated state development plans came together: an enclave of poor peasants who were not self-sufficient and a natural environment impoverished by soil degradation and intensive deforestation, paradoxically not suitable for any crop except coca.

Profit as a key motive and the resulting indicator of the activity of state corporations

2021 ◽  
pp. 42-49
Author(s):  
M.V. Dubrova
Keyword(s):  
Economic Activity ◽  
The State ◽  
Financial Resources ◽  
Project Financing ◽  
State Development ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
Priority Areas ◽  
The World ◽  
Development Institutions ◽  
State Corporation

Development institutions are becoming the most important tools for regulating economic activity both in Russia and in the world, through the implementation of social projects, the accumulation of financial resources and their direction to the priority areas of state development. The purpose of the study is to study the financial results of state corporations, in particular development institutions, and their role in providing project financing. The proposed article provides an assessment of the profit of the state corporation «Bank for Development and Foreign Economic Activity» (GC «Vnesheconombank»), emphasizes the specifics of the state corporation as a non-profit organization, and provides recommendations for improving the efficiency of the financial activities of the GC «Bank for Development and Foreign Economic Activity».

scholarly journals Turkey’s Hybrid Competitive Authoritarian Regime; A Genuine Product of Anatolia’s Middle Class

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolaos Stelgias
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
The State ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Hybrid Regime

Few years since the 9/11 Attacks in New York and following its rise to power, the AKP has gradually established a so-­called “competitive authoritarian regime,” in order to consolidate and secure its political power. This regime is hybrid and it is based on liberal principles (absence of tutelary authorities, protection of civil liberties, universal suffrage, free elections etc.). The AKP also provides for a reasonably fair level of political competition between the party in power (government) and the opposition. At the same time, however, the system shows some undemocratic features (violation of civil liberties, unfair elections, and uneven political competition.) This hybrid regime is based on three pillars: the state, the party and a newly emerged middle class in Anatolia. Through this hybrid regime Anatolia’s newly emerged middle class redefines its cultural and socio-­economic relations.

scholarly journals Osoby duchowne w otoczeniu i czynnościach prawnych księcia gdańskiego Warcisława II

2020 ◽  
pp. 229-264
Author(s):  
Mateusz Szuba
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Source Information ◽  
The City

The above paper deals with the clergy in the state of Warcisław II, Duke of Gdańsk and East­­­‑Pomerania between 1266 and 1269/70. The careers of representatives of this class are reconstructed by collecting and verifying source information and the extensive discussions of earlier historians. Four clergymen from Gdańsk, 2 from Słupsk, and Michael priest of “Saulyn” have been authenticated, but it is not certain that the last two places actually belonged to Warcisław’s state. The main conclusion of this research is that during the reign of Warcisław II, clergy were of political significance. They served in administration and in an early chancellery service, as in the case of a group of clergy in the fortified church in Gdańsk. It is likely that one of local priests­­­‑ Wacław/Unisław – was also probably related to an influential gentry family This was also probably the case with Luder, priest of St. Catharine’s Church in the city of Gdańsk. He was probably an agent mediating between the Duke and the middle class. Warcisław II had good relations with the middle class and its political influence was growing during his reign. In Słupsk, too, the clergy participated in changing political affiliations, but that is visible only later. Clergymen also supported other dukes; this was visible and of importance during the East­­­‑Pomeranian civil war (1269–1271) between Warcisław II and Msciwoj II, which ended in the former’s exile. One historian believes that the priest Michael served in Salino in East­­­‑Pomerania. Perhaps his presence in a privilege from 1268 had a political context – by that act Warcisław II could show his claims to Białogarda’s land. This had been mortgaged to the Teutonic Order by Duke Racibor. Otherwise, according to the opinion of Klemens Bruski, Michael could have served in another place – Słona near Kościerzyna.

scholarly journals Standard of economic sustainability of family a new orientation of income policy

POPULATION ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-127
Author(s):  
Lyudmila Rzhanitsyna
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Stability ◽  
Economic Sustainability ◽  
Income Policy ◽  
Active Population ◽  
Russian Economy ◽  
The Social ◽  
Market Relations

Improving labor incentives is a condition for the Russian economy to recover from the crisis, increase the well-being of the population, and further develop the country. In this regard, in the policy and organization of remuneration, it is proposed to switch from an orientation towards the physiological minimum to a standard of income that would allow an employee to earn a decent income on himself and the child, to the standard of economic sustainability of a family with children. A fair salary exempts the worker from dependence on the social assistance of the state, determined by the decision of the official. The transition of the state policy of personal income is a way to reduce the poverty of workers, to ensure material well-being for the economically active population, thereby creating a middle class, the basis of social stability and social peace in society. And the account of expenses for children is an objective component of the price and reproduction of labor in the system of market relations.

Unmaking Black Political Subjects

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tianna S. Paschel
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Natural Resources ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Dominant Classes

This chapter examines the extent to which Brazilian and Colombian states have implemented ethno-racial reforms and explores the ways in which these policies have changed these societies. It pays special attention to the political conditions that shape these states' decisions to make good on their promises or not. More specifically, it shows how implementation has depended heavily on the ways in which activists navigate their domestic political fields, including how they negotiate their newly gained access to the state. It is also profoundly shaped by the emergence of reactionary movements. Indeed, as the dominant classes became increasingly aware of what was at stake with these rights and policies—land, natural resources, seats in congress, and university slots that could maintain or secure one's place within the middle class—they sought to dismantle them, sometimes through violent means.

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