With the Athenians on Samos

2019 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Jacqueline de Romilly
Keyword(s):  
Small City ◽  
The Government ◽  
Organized Resistance ◽  
Two Sides

This chapter focuses on the Athenians on Samos. Samos had first embarked on oligarchy. There were attacks. Hyperbolus, the democrat whom Alcibiades had struck with ostracism, was assassinated. Androcles in Athens, Hyperbolus in Samos: Alcibiades' enemies fell, as though at random. But this disorder brought consequences. The generals, who were inclined to oppose oligarchy, were warned, as were those men known to be most opposed to the movement. These individuals in turn worked with the soldiers. On the appointed day, when the partisans of the oligarchy were going to attack on a larger scale, they ran into an organized resistance and were beaten. The two sides made peace—under the democracy. Henceforth there were two Athens: the government in Athens, oligarchic, and that in Samos, democratic. Samos, or rather the Athenians on Samos, considered themselves independent. There can be very few examples of a rupture affecting such a small city and installing two enemy factions so far apart. This rupture was conceived by Alcibiades and it would change the course of his life.

Framed between change and stability Syria between people's revolution and regime survival Atrapados entre el cambio y la estabilidad: Siria entre la revolución popular y la supervivencia del régimen Entre changement et stabilité : La Syrie entre révolution populaire et survie du régime

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 118-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilberto Conde
Keyword(s):  
First Year ◽  
Cultural Hegemony ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Ideological Struggle ◽  
Regime Survival ◽  
The Government ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
Los Grupos ◽  
Large Sections

The ideological struggle deployed between the Syrian opposition groups and the government during the first year of the Syrian popular uprising is examined in this paper. Force alone was not enough for the regime to crush the revolt, at least during its first twelve months, while protesters were unable to bring down the government. The battle for cultural hegemony had to be won by one of the two sides. Protesters and the regime alike had to deploy their discourses along frames that resonated with the values, hopes and fears of Syrians. The effectiveness of the regime in securing the support of large sections of urban dwellers and its systematic violent repression led to frustration on the part of demonstrators, who ended up supporting at least morally the armed struggle. A stalemate was reached. This led to divergent framing activity within the opposition, which in turn led to its division.Spanish El artículo examina la lucha ideológica que se dio entre los grupos sirios de oposición y el gobierno durante el primer año del levantamiento popular en Siria. Durante los primeros 12 meses a partir de marzo de 2011, al régimen no le bastó con la fuerza bruta para aplastar la revuelta, aunque los manifestantes tampoco lograron tumbar al gobierno. Se dio un combate por la hegemonía cultural y uno de los bandos necesitaba ganarla. Tanto los opositores como el régimen frasearon sus discursos alrededor de aristas conceptuales (frames) en armonía con los valores, esperanzas y temores de la población siria. La e ficacia del régimen en obtener el apoyo de amplios sectores de los habitantes de las principales ciudades y la represión violenta sistemática condujeron a un sentimiento de frustración entre los manifestantes, que terminaron ofreciendo un apoyo al menos moral a la lucha armada. Se llegó a un impasse. Esto a su vez llevó a que diferentes grupos de oposición reconstruyeran su discurso en torno de aristas distintas, lo que generó división.French L'article étudie la lu e idéologique menée entre les groupes d'opposition et le gouvernement pendant la première année du soulèvement populaire en Syrie. Pendant les douze premiers mois, à dater du mois de mars de 2011, la force brute n'a pas suffiau régime pour écraser le mouvement, bien que les manifestants à leur tour n'aient pas réussi à faire tomber le gouvernement. Une lu e pour l'hégémonie culturelle s'est développée et un des deux côtés devait la gagner. L'opposition ainsi que le régime ont encadré (frame) leurs discours de sorte à qu'ils parlent aux valeurs, espoirs et peurs des syriens. Le succès du régime à gagner l'appui (ou le recul) de grands secteurs de la population des villes principales et la répression violente systématique ont produit un sentiment de frustration parmi les manifestants, qui ont fini par soutenir la lu e armée au moins moralement. La situation est arrivée à une impasse. Dans cet état, différents groupes d'opposition ont reformulé leurs discours au tour d'encadrements divergents, ce qui a mené à leur division.

scholarly journals Strategy Analysis of Promoting Pollution Control of SMEs

2021 ◽  
Vol 237 ◽  
pp. 01025
Author(s):  
Yanying Zhang ◽  
Gui Jiang ◽  
Ziwei Yu
Keyword(s):  
Game Theory ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
Pollution Control ◽  
Theory Model ◽  
Strategy Analysis ◽  
Pollution Problem ◽  
The Game Theory ◽  
The Government ◽  
Two Sides

The pollution problem of SMEs is an important problem to be solved in the process of China’s economic development. Based on the game theory, this paper takes the government and SMEs as the two sides of the game, constructing the game theory model of pollution control of SMEs, putting forward the strategies to promote the pollution control of SMEs according to the analysis results of the model.

scholarly journals SANKSI HUKUM TERHADAP PELAKU TALAK DI LUAR PENGADILAN AGAMA

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-88
Author(s):  
Muhammad Yalis Shokhib
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Correct Choice ◽  
Deterrent Effect ◽  
Trial Court ◽  
Positive Law ◽  
Legal Sanctions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
Research Type

Divorce out of court Religion is considered reasonable by some circles. But, actually that action is contrary to the Act No. 1 of 1974 article 39 that containing a moral message that divorce only be done in front of the Court of Session. Even in the article there is a clause of divorce mayhappen after the relevant Court attempted to reconcile the two sides. The researchers see the ambiguity based on need a new form of ijtihad gave rise to sanctions for perpetrators of Religious divorce out of court. The researcher using field research type because the research was did in the field. This research is descriptive, and the data sourceobtained from the results of interviews with academics positive law and academics Islamic law in Malang. The focus in this research are includes three ways, that are the position of the sanctions in the matter of divorce out of court Religion according to Islamic law, academics positive law view and Islamic academics law view in Malang, about divorce out of court sanction of religion. In this thesis, the researcher found the results of this research that is the sanctions law against divorce out of court Religion serves as reinforcement of laws and nas} in the Qur'an, it is as a deterrent so that doesn't happen as much divorce politico hated God. The researchers choosethe legal sanction is the correct choice to given to perpetrators of Religious divorce out of court, legal sanctions in the form of a prohibition to perform a new marriage. In addition to fine sanctions that are capable of inflicting deterrent effect to offenders of religious divorce, out of court, so that someone will do a divorce before the trial Court religion, and also obedient to the Administration that have been arrange by the government.

THE ECONOMIC DIRECTIONS FOR RATIONALIZING THE SYSTEM OF PUBLIC FINANCE IN POLAND AS A RESULT OF THE EFFECTS OF THE COVID-19 EPIDEMIC

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-48
Author(s):  
Artur Dmowski ◽  
Sylwester Bogacki
Keyword(s):  
Public Finance ◽  
General Assumption ◽  
Fundamental Issue ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
General Shape ◽  
Finance Management ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
Global Nature ◽  
The Government ◽  
Two Sides

Public finance management has a very global nature. Here decisions are made that determine everything related to collecting and allocating public means. However, we need to realize that this level is also highly entangled politically, with political transformations accompanying changes of governments and cooperating party coalitions. This accounts for the fact that some general recommendations are formed, specifying the ways of managing public means. This is manifested in various slogans, such as “cheap state”, which stands for reduction of expenditure on administrative purposes. In this context some discussions take place in the government or in the parliament on seeking possibilities of limiting expenditure. Another direction of political disputes turns to public income. This is expressed, for example, in aiming at lowering tax bur-den. Thus public attention is drawn to two sides of the finance economy, namely on processes of gathering and allocating public means. In this system we often oversee a fundamental issue – instructions to manage public finance. As already stated, this cannot have a general shape, as there is no uniformity in the area of public finance even though the general assumption is the same for all areas.

scholarly journals There are Two Sides to Every COIN

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefano Ruzza
Keyword(s):  
Turning Point ◽  
Economic Incentives ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
National Union ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
The Face ◽  
Peripheral Areas ◽  
The Government ◽  
Current Transition ◽  
Two Sides

The capacity of Myanmar’s government to effectively rule and administer peripheral areas of the country has been challenged since independence by a vast array of non-state armed groups (NSAGs), and the country is home to the most long-lasting insurgencies still active today. The core interest of this article rests on analysing the degree of continuity and change in the strategy enacted by Myanmar’s government in order to counter, contain and re-absorb insurgencies in the wake of the recent liberalisation process. The government activity vis-à-vis insurgencies is assessed in two core dimensions: economic and military. The analysis is developed in diachronic perspective, spanning three key phases. The first, meant to provide the essential historical background and benchmark, is the post-1989 period, characterised by the implementation of the ceasefires. The other two focus on the current transition, splitting it into two (2008–2011 and 2011–2015), taking Thein Sein’s new peace plan as a turning point. Moving through these three phases the paper assesses how Myanmar’s government achieves a balance between military pressure and economic incentives in the face of three major insurgencies: in Shan state, versus various NSAGs; against the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO); and against the Karen National Union (KNU).

Alexander C. Pathy,Waterfront Blues: Labour Strife at the Port of Montreal, 1960–1978. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004. ix + 328 pp. $53.00 cloth.

2005 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 144-146
Author(s):  
Colin J. Davis
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Quebec City ◽  
Employment Relations ◽  
Maritime Economy ◽  
University Of Toronto ◽  
Loading And Unloading ◽  
The Government ◽  
Technological Improvements ◽  
Two Sides

In this autobiographical account of labor relations on the Montreal waterfront, Alexander C. Pathy gives an insider account of the volatile relationship between shippers and longshoremen. Pathy worked as a lawyer and then official of the influential Maritime Employers Association (MEA). The MEA was in the forefront in changing employment relations to better fit the introduction of technological changes brought on by containerization. As in most ports around the world, the introduction of containerization was riven with challenge and controversy. The Port of Montreal, and the lesser ports of Quebec City and Trois-Rivieres, shared this common experience. According to Pathy up to 1960 the respective ports had seen little strife. Indeed, it would seem that the relations between the two sides had been relatively amicable. This would change once ship owners and stevedores embarked on a rationalization scheme to make the loading and unloading of cargo that much more efficient and speedier. Beginning in 1960, negotiations became increasingly heated and hostile. Not least was the problem of language. In what could be best described as mutual ignorance the employers negotiated in English, while the union representatives, reflecting the membership, spoke in French. It was no wonder that misunderstandings could occur because of poor translation. But according to Pathy more than language, the principal point of conflict was perception. Each side brought to the table mutual suspicion and hostility. The problem Pathy contends was, “Each party did not see its glass half full but half empty.”(40) Therefore, negotiations over gang size, technological improvements, hiring methods, and union jurisdiction all became major issues of contention. Adding to the complexity of the situation was the role of Canadian government. Canadian industrial relations law gave the government a vital stake in the negotiations. Just as important, as both official and wildcat strikes broke out, the government scrambled to stabilize the situation as ships were diverted to US ports. The loss of trade and thereby revenue was seen as a critical impairment to the maritime economy.

scholarly journals INDONESIA – AMERIKA DALAM KERANGKA COMPRHENSIVE PARTNERSHIP

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-109
Author(s):  
Yerichielli Yerichielli
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
New Order ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Energy Education ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Government ◽  
Partnership Agreement ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Two Sides

Indonesian political and strategic relations are quite good with the United States, especially since the New Order regime in Indonesia, namely in the 1960s. But economic ties the two sides have not grown enough in comparison with the United States economic relations with neighboring Indonesia, Singapore and Australia. In terms of political and strategic aspects in the relationship between the two countries produced in the United States and Indonesia are less developed the economic potential between the two. Both countries have significant potential to further enhance the bilateral relations to the mutual interest through the establishment of a comprehensive partnership (Comprehensive Partnership) is a strategic step in improving relations of cooperation in politics, economy, security, environment, energy, education and other areas of life other. Efforts to improve relations between the two sides appeared in recent years because of the encouragement of the government of Indonesia and US efforts to seek larger markets in order to restore its economic crisis. In November 2010 the leaders of both countries signed the US-Indonesia Compherensive Partnership Agreement (US-Indonesia CPA) which is a long-term commitment of both countries to enhance and deepen bilateral relations. One sector that is the focus of the cooperation is the economic sector.

Armed opposition disputes threaten Ethiopian stability

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Violence ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Credible Commitments ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Federal States ◽  
Entire Country ◽  
The Government ◽  
Two Sides

Significance The development was met with silence from the OLF leadership and little fanfare from the government, even though the two sides had been involved in rising conflict over recent months, with disarmament at the centre of the dispute. Impacts If the OLF remains militarily active, other returned armed groups could reassess their options. The lack of credible commitments between former armed groups and the government could undermine the agreements between them. Rebel activism along ethnic lines could deepen inter-communal mistrust and lead to ethnic violence and further displacements. Deepening violence in Oromia, the largest of Ethiopia’s ethnic federal states, could destabilise the entire country.

Strategic interaction: The PRL Government, Solidarity, the Church, and the problem of political prisoners

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-225
Author(s):  
Andrzej Friszke
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Mass Movement ◽  
Transition Process ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
Strategic Decisions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Catholic Church

This study of the struggle between the government of the Polish People’s Republic and Solidarity in the years 1981-1984 discerns three key actors in Polish politics: the Communist party leadership and security apparatus, the arrested leaders of Solidarity, and the bishops and advisers of the Catholic Church. The PRL government made strategic decisions in this period regarding repression and liberalization. Following initial advanced preparation for the trial of eleven arrested leaders of Solidarity and KSS KOR, the government attempted to coerce the arrestees into leaving Poland, thus weakening the movement’s legitimacy. The article demonstrates how the interaction between the leaders of the two sides – mediated by bishops and advisers – produced a new dynamic and a shift in the existing political mechanism. What was once a mass movement transformed into a more regular, staffed organization with a greater role played by leaders, who symbolized the continuity of the movement and enabled Solidarity to weather the period of repression. The article shows the changes and tensions in the Solidarity movement, along with the changes that were occurring in parallel on the side of the government and the mediating third actor, i.e., the Catholic Church. This case study of the strategic clash that occurred at the beginning of the 1980s illustrates the transformations that took place within the government and Solidarity – transformations that would prove crucial to the transition process in 1988-1989.

scholarly journals Moderating attitudes in times of violence through paradoxical thinking intervention

2016 ◽  
Vol 113 (43) ◽  
pp. 12105-12110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boaz Hameiri ◽  
Roni Porat ◽  
Daniel Bar-Tal ◽  
Eran Halperin
Keyword(s):  
Field Experiment ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Small City ◽  
Randomized Field Experiment ◽  
City Population ◽  
Scale Field ◽  
Paradoxical Thinking ◽  
Large Scale Field ◽  
The Government ◽  
The City

In the current paper, we report a large-scale randomized field experiment, conducted among Jewish Israelis during widespread violence. The study examines the effectiveness of a “real world,” multichanneled paradoxical thinking intervention, with messages disseminated through various means of communication (i.e., online, billboards, flyers). Over the course of 6 wk, we targeted a small city in the center of Israel whose population is largely rightwing and religious. Based on the paradoxical thinking principles, the intervention involved transmission of messages that are extreme but congruent with the shared Israeli ethos of conflict. To examine the intervention’s effectiveness, we conducted a large-scale field experiment (prepost design) in which we sampled participants from the city population (n = 215) and compared them to a control condition (from different places of residence) with similar demographic and political characteristics (n = 320). Importantly, participants were not aware that the intervention was related to the questionnaires they answered. Results showed that even in the midst of a cycle of ongoing violence within the context of one of the most intractable conflicts in the world, the intervention led hawkish participants to decrease their adherence to conflict-supporting attitudes across time. Furthermore, compared with the control condition, hawkish participants that were exposed to the paradoxical thinking intervention expressed less support for aggressive policies that the government should consider as a result of the escalation in violence and more support for conciliatory policies to end the violence and promote a long-lasting agreement.

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