scholarly journals Islamic Parties between Sacred and Profane: Transformation of the Concept of Party in the Muslim Political Discourse

Author(s):  
I. V. Kudryashova ◽  
A. S. Kozintsev

The article is devoted to the analysis of the transformation of the concept of Islamic party in the Muslim political discourse. Considering the processes of separation of Islam and politics as the formation of independent communication systems, the authors try to find an answer to the question of how, despite doctrinal restrictions, the notion “Islamic party” managed to acquire the features of a stable political concept. The authors propose a hypothesis, according to which, as the socio-political modernization of the Arab countries proceeds, the political system appropriates this concept, thereby specifying Islamic values at the level that allows to combine these values with new power institutions and fulfill specific political actions with these values. To test this hypothesis, the authors turn to the analysis of the temporal structure of the concept of party in Quran (Sunnah), the texts of the first ideologues of the Muslim Brotherhood and the rhetoric of the modern Islamic movements that occupy stable positions in the national parliaments. As a result of the study, the authors document the polysemantics inherent in the Islamic doctrine and identify the main parameters of the temporalization and pragmatization of the concept. According to their conclusion, the Islamic parties’ abandonment of Quranic time and placement in the national-historical contexts, as well as the erosion of their initial core values, determine the mo dern perception and functional significance of such parties: they act as an institution that differentiates Islamic norms and ensures their combination with the institutions of the nation state that emerged in the process of moder nization.

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 655-670
Author(s):  
Boris V. Dolgov

The article examines and analyzes the spread of Islamism or Political Islam movements in the Greater Mediterranean and their increasing influence on the socio-political situation in 2011-2021. The historical factors, which contributed to the emergence of the hearths of Islamic culture in the countries which entered the Arab Caliphate in the Greater Mediterranean parallel with the Antique centers of European civilization, are retrospectively exposed. The Islamist ideologues called the Ottoman Imperia the heir of the Arab Caliphate. The main doctrinal conceptions of Political Islam and its more influential movement Muslim Brotherhood (forbidden in Russia) are discovered. The factor of the Arab Spring, which considerably influenced the strengthening of the Islamist movements, as well as its continuation of the protests in the Arab countries in 2018-2021, is examined. The main attention is allotted to analyzing the actions of the Islamic movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, and in the Libyan and Syrian conflicts too. The influence of external actors, the most active of which was Turkey, is revealed. The author also analyzes the situation in the Arab-Muslim communities in the European Mediterranean on the example of France, where social-economic problems, aggravated by COVID-19, have contributed to the activation of radical Islamist elements. It is concluded that confronting the Islamist challenge is a complex and controversial task. Its solution depends on both forceful opposition to radical groups and an appropriate foreign policy. An important negative factor is the aggravation of socio-economic problems and crisis phenomena in the institutions of Western democracy, in response to which the ideologues of Islamism preach an alternative world order in the form of an Islamic state. At the moment the Western society and the countries which repeat its liberal model do not give a distinct response to this challenge.


Author(s):  
Amaney A. Jamal

This chapter focuses on Morocco, highlighting how citizens across the North African monarchy rationalize authoritarianism through the prism of strategic utility to U.S. (and EU) ties. Morocco includes one of the most progressive Islamic movements in the region, and citizens, while applauding the movement's moderation, remain wary of its foreign intentions. Enhancing ties with the United States and maintaining ties to Europe were often cited as key reasons why the status quo was preferable to increasing levels of democracy. It became apparent that although the Islamic Party for Justice and Development is considered moderate in terms of its internal Islamic agenda, many in the kingdom worried about the party's stance toward the United States.


Populism ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 148-164
Author(s):  
Alexandra Yatsyk

Abstract This paper examines the discourse of PiS party in Poland as a form of biopolitical populism. I view this phenomenon as a specific style of political discourse rather than an ideology, that, first, focuses on bodily issues, including family and gender policy, sexual behavior, etc., second—it is inherently performative and as such it appeals to emotions, and, third—it directly communicates with “people” while circumventing the existing institutional framework of the state. Based on the cases of PiS rhetoric on the Smolensk catastrophe, and its narratives on gender and anti-LGBTQ issues, I demonstrate how the latter could be used for political othering and for subverting the core democratic principles. My data includes publications in Polish media and on social platforms (Twitter and Facebook), mostly before and after elections to European and national parliaments in May and October 2019, as well as during the presidential election in spring 2020.


1993 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 609-628 ◽  
Author(s):  
David B. Edwards

Gulbuddin hekmatyar made the above statement in a speech to Afghan refugees in Peshawar, Pakistan, in the early 1980s. As the leader (amīr) of Hizb-i Islami Afghanistan (the Islamic Party of Afghanistan), one of the principal Islamic parties then fighting to overthrow the Marxist regime in Afghanistan, Hekmatyar was primarily concerned in this speech with condemning the leftist leadership in Kabul and its Soviet sponsors. However, the head of the most radical of the Afghan resistance parties also took time to inform his audience about the origins of his party as a student group at Kabul University in the late 1960s. This reminiscence of student days was not a digression or flight of fancy. To the contrary, Hekmatyar's historical reflections have major significance in the context of Afghan national politics, for it is through history that Hizb-i Islami Afghanistan has staked its claim to rule Afghanistan.


2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-122
Author(s):  
Stephen Cory

Sayyid Qutb’s influence upon radical Islamic movements during the secondhalf of the twentieth century is undeniable and has long been recognized. Recentinterest in the rise of radical Islam has led to a number of publications onhim, including a biography by James Calvert and several pieces that analyzecertain aspects of his ideology and writings. James Toth’s new text, whichpresents a general biography of Qutb, seeks to combine these functions byemphasizing the trajectory of his literary career along with offering a topicalanalysis of the major themes found within his writings. At the same time, Tothprovides a fresh and comprehensive evaluation of the career and impact ofthis famous Islamist ideologue.The book is divided into two main sections, the first of which describesQutb’s life story from his childhood in Upper Egypt through his secular writingcareer, increasing radicalization, involvement with the Muslim Brotherhood,prison years, and eventual execution by the Egyptian government in1966. The second section, which provides a detailed analysis of his ideology,draws heavily from his writings and is arranged thematically. In it, Tothtouches on such important topics as Qutb’s interpretation of Islam, his viewof it as a revitalization movement, his vision for an Islamic society and economicsystem, and his understanding of the Islamic state and history. The bookalso includes a lengthy appendix, with special sections that provide short biographiesson prior Islamic writers who influenced Qutb’s thinking as wellas summaries of his views on women/family, dhimmīs (non-Muslims livingin a Muslim society), and apologetics. It concludes with a detailed collectionof notes as well as a comprehensive bibliography and index.Rather than presenting Qutb’s move toward radicalism as a sharp departurefrom his prior values and beliefs, Toth seeks to ground his convictionswithin the context of his childhood in a small Upper Egyptian village and toidentify consistent themes that reoccurred throughout his career. During hisapproximately fifteen years as a literary critic, Qutb focused on poetry andassociated himself with the Diwan school of literary criticism led by his mentorAbbas al-‘Aqqad. This school emphasized modernity, individualism, andsecularism, three principles that he would reject later on during the radicalphase of his career. Yet he was always a person of strong convictions, onewho had an abiding religious orientation, an interest in pedagogy, and a some ...


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Qamar Abbas Cheema ◽  
Syed Qandil Abbas

Pakistan's confessional parties are re-inventing themselves. The Parties that are carrying a legacy from the time before partition are struggling to keep themselves relevant in mainstream political discourse. Pakistan's political landscape is changing because of the rise of Tehreek-i-Insaf, a progressive center-right political party that has altered the electioneering environment in Pakistan. Two main confessional parties Jamaat Islami (JI) and Jamiat Ulma e Islam Fazal Ur Rehman (JUI-F) are trying to develop an inclusive and pluralist political agenda. JI is a hierarchical Islamic party whereas JUI-F is a network Islamic party. Political Islam is in the process of shrinking in Pakistan because of the rise of political alternatives and outdatedness of the political and electoral discourse of confessional parties. Political Islam in Pakistan is changing by improving its ideological, political, and organizational structure in relation to its contemporary rivals. Changes in political Islam are not because of intellectual diversity and growth within confessional parties but to manage and compete for the rise of competing domestic political perspectives. Transnational connections with like-minded Islamist groups have scaled-down as the like-minded religio-ideological partners are termed as extremists and terrorists.


Author(s):  
M. F. MURTAZIN

The article deals with the principal peculiar differences between Islam as a religious system versus Islamism as a political ideology. Despite of some religious roots connecting Islamism with the theological system of Islam at the early stage each subsequent step of Islamist progress was in its way to the political transformation as an ideology but not a religious phenomenon. So it means the differentiation of Islam as a religious idea and Islamism as a political concept. This work analyses the origins and transformations of Islamism in its different types including the Sunni and Shi’i branches. The links between Islamism and Salafiya are revealed. The Muslim Brotherhood is presented as an example of a modern transnational Sunni Islamist organization. The article reveals some social reasons and basement of Islamist radicalization which intensified political character of this movement. The main contradiction between Islamist movement and state is focused on the religious sense of the society contra secular character of the State. As a result a lot of Islamist groups legalize violence against their state authorities and leaders in Jihadism form. The article describes some historical samples and ideological theses used by Islamists. As a result the Islamist terrorism is classified as an extreme antihuman political form of Islamism that is ultimately far from the Religion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
David Schwartz ◽  
Daniel Galily

This study aims to present the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, its ideology and pragmatism. With progress and modernization, the Islamic movements in the Middle East realized that they could not deny progress, so they decided to join the mainstream and take advantage of technological progress in their favor. The movement maintains at least one website in which it publishes its way, and guides the audience. Although these movements seem to maintain a rigid ideology, they adapt themselves to reality with the help of many tools, because they have realized that reality is stronger than they are. The main points in the article are: The status of religion in the country; What is the Muslim Brotherhood? According to which ideology is the movement taking place? - Movement background and ideology; Theoretical background – The theory of Pragmatism; How is pragmatism manifested in the activity of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt? In conclusions: The rise of the Islamist movements as a leading social and political force in the Middle East is the result of the bankruptcy of nationalism, secularism and the left in the Arab world, which created an ideological vacuum, which is filled to a large extent by the fundamentalists, ensuring that Islam is the solution. It is not only about the extent of the return to religion, but about the transformation of religion into a major political factor both by the regimes and by the opposition. These are political movements that deal first and foremost with the social and political mobilization of the masses, and they exert pressure to apply the Islamic law as the law of the state instead of the legal systems taken from the Western model.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 186
Author(s):  
Agus Riyanto

Sociologically, Indonesia is a country with the largest Muslim population in the world, however no Islamic party has ever won the legislative electoral since the Old Order. There are limited research which link the defeat of Islamic parties with their own history as a context. This study uses the perspective of historical institutionalism, particularly the analysis of path dependencies and critical junctures to analyze the defeat of Indonesian Islamic parties by linking the past political decisions in a critical junctures framework. This study has two main findings. First, the defeat of Indonesian Islamic parties during 1955 to 2019 elections was the result of a causal mechanism which was related to political decisions in moments of critical junctures. The mechanism had a significant effect on the path of development of Islamic parties and led to the outcome of defeat. Second, the defeat of the Indonesian Islamic party indicates a path of dependence repetition which includes three process dependence paths triggered by three critical moments in the form of political decisions of party agents. Each resulted in a series of causal follow-up events in the aftermath of critical juncture, which were the process of reactive sequences, reinforcement or self-reinforcing sequences, as well as reinforcement or self-reinforcing sequences and reactive sequences, and put Islamic parties on a certain development path towards the final outcome of the legislative election defeat. 


Author(s):  
Thomas Pepinsky

This chapter reviews recent research on popular support for Islamic parties, focusing on Muslim Southeast Asia. It distinguishes among several different linkages between voters and political parties that generate votes for Islamic parties: religious ideology, party brand, and demographic association. Voters face choices among religious and nonreligious parties that bundle together various appeals, only some of which are directly tied to religion, and voters may vote for parties either out of policy concerns or as an expression of their identity. The central implication of this argument is that voting for an Islamic party is not always a vote for Islam, and voting for a non-Islamic party sometimes is. This warrants caution in interpreting popular support for religious parties as evidence of popular support for religious agendas. It also warrants caution in interpreting the success of non-Islamic parties as a defense against religious agendas. Using the cases of Indonesia and Malaysia to illustrate the challenges in inferring voter intentions from vote choices in multiparty electoral systems, the chapter outlines a research agenda that better embeds voter behavior in its sociological, historical, and institutional contexts.


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