scholarly journals BRITAIN AND CONSENSUS POLITICS, 1945-1955: MYTH OR REALITY?

2021 ◽  
pp. 151-171
Author(s):  
Carlos Soriano Jiménez

This study lies within the framework of the years 1945-1955, which correspond to Clement Attlee’s Labourite and Winston Churchill’s Conservative administrations. The objective is to demonstrate, by means of an analysis of their speeches and the proposals of their respective political parties, that the ideological differences hindered a total agreement. These primary sources are examined from several perspectives. The main emphasis of this study falls on the ideology as a distinctive element and its influence on other fields such as education, the welfare system or the economy. The results reveal a lack of consensus based on their opposite political cultures.

2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulla Moberg ◽  
Göran Eriksson

This study focuses on Swedish political press conferences and explores the discursive efforts of politicians to express unity despite diverging ideological views. It concerns the use of the first person pronoun ‘we’ (Swedish. we) and is influenced by both dialogue theory and linguistic theories, which highlight the meaning of pronouns in context. The data consist of transcribed web broadcasts of press conferences with the leaders of the four political parties that form the Swedish Government since 2006. Our analysis reveals that a clear-cut use of the personal pronoun ‘we’ can serve the same political purposes as a more ambiguous use, i.e. to show unity while there are differences. The four party leaders are involved in a communicative project of ‘doing unity’ to demonstrate that they are a very capable government.


Author(s):  
Anders Lidström

Although Swedish local government shares a set of traits that are common to all other European local government systems, it stands out, in many respects, as unique. The particular combination of local responsibility for costly tax-financed national welfare policies, strong and mainly nationally organized political parties at local level, consistent decision-making collectivism, and a type of representative democracy that leaves little room for means of direct democracy make Sweden different. These features are intertwined, reflecting core values of the Scandinavian welfare model. Although many of them have been challenged during recent decades, popular support for the welfare system remains strong.


2006 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT GERWARTH

This article examines Weimar Germany's public controversy about the Republic's place in German history. In a period that was seen by many contemporaries as a time deprived of historical context, all political parties tried to legitimise their actions and aims through the construction of very different historical traditions. Based on a wide range of primary sources, the article seeks to analyse this ‘battle over the past’ within the broader context of Weimar's political culture and the Republic's struggle for survival.


Author(s):  
L.V. Chernyshova ◽  

The article discusses various approaches to the study of political and network image. With the advent of modern election campaigns, it has become clear that image is an inevitable part of a successful campaign. The political image as an object of research began to appear in political science, sociological and communication studies since the 50s of the twentieth century. The political image in modern conditions is becoming such an important factor, politicians who seek to gain power or keep it must be reckoned with it. In modern socio-political conditions and the reduction of ideological differences between political parties and their leaders, their image, through which their authority is reflected, is becoming an increasingly important factor determining the difference between candidates and political parties. For the modern voter, the political image becomes more important than the ideological positions of the candidate and the party. If political parties concentrate on the “average” voter and do not show serious ideological differences, differences in election programs, the image of a political leader becomes the most important factor. Voter confidence depends on image. It is important to determine the audience for whom the political image is being created. A traditional audience is one that has long followed a particular political unit or politics as a whole. The success of the political image and the candidate depends on strategic research, which, among other things, shows what the image of the candidates should be like in these elections. The political image should be aimed at creating voters' confidence in the political leader and developing confidence in the competence of the politician, in his ability to solve pressing problems of society. The political image serves simple purposes - to “win the hearts of citizens” and mobilize their electoral support. But it is not enough to form the image of the candidate, it must be conveyed to the voter without distortion. The modern world has long entered the digital age, where information is distributed through electronic media at a very high speed. Internet technologies for the formation of a political image are beginning to become increasingly important. In the last decade, this issue has become urgent.


Author(s):  
S. P. Mitrakhovich

The article examines the evolution at the present stage of theoretical and normative ideas about the role of civil society and political parties in their relationship with the state and their influence on social processes and the economy. Most concepts, offering theoretical reflexion on this issue, appeared in the West, and due to Western influence was borrowed by Russia and other countries, where the discourse of civil society and political parties itself was Europeanized. However, the formal adherence to European intellectual fashion in the most ambitious BRICS countries has now led to the formation of its own analytical and regulatory views on the subject, only externally resembling Western primary sources. At the same time, the use of rethought European views in modernising the own discourse of civil society and political parties allows to give this discourse a respectable image and to be effectively used by the state both for domestic political purposes and in conceptual foreign policy disputes with Europe itself.


Author(s):  
Badra Jultouriq Rahman

Hamas and Fatah are the two dominant Palestinian political parties that have the same goal of freeing Palestinians from Israeli occupation. But there are ideological differences between Hamas and Fatah, Fatah with secular nationalist ideology while Hamas with Islamic ideology. The difference in ideology is considered to be the cause of the lack of cooperation between the two to free Palestine from Israeli occupation. This paper seeks to answer the question of why Hamas and Fatah did not unite to free Palestine from Israeli occupation when both have the same goal, whether differences in ideology are the main obstacle for Hamas and Fatah not to unite to liberate Palestine. In this paper the authors use the theory of conflict resolution and descriptive methods. The results of this study indicate that ideology is indeed one of the reasons Hamas and Fatah are not cooperating, because these two ideologies are in conflict with each other, but the historical conflict factor between Hamas's predecessors, the Muslim Brotherhood and Fatah has affected the inability of Hamas and Fatah to cooperate in efforts to liberate Palestine because differences of opinion in addressing resistance to Israel, then coupled with the disappointment of Hamas against Fatah which was hit by the issue of corruption and abuse of power, and Hamas considers Fatah to recognize the existence of Israel after signing the Oslo Declaration. Furthermore, it is hoped that this article can be used as a reference and comparison material for similar research.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-76
Author(s):  
Md. Al-Amin

This study attempts to explore the disparity in Bangali and ethnic political cultures in Bangladesh. Methodologically, Barishal Sadar and a village under this Upazila and a para of Rakhine community at Kalapara thana in Patuakhali district were taken as a case study to conduct an analysis of the disparity of political cultures between ethnic and Bangali communities in Bangladesh. It is observed from the analysis that there is a huge disparity between Rakhine and Bangali political cultures except in certain cases. In every case, Bangali people behave subjective and participative in communication with political issues, whereas Rakhine people behave parochially except on the question of objectives of the government, political parties and political rights in this regard. It is also observed that no specific political culture exists in Bangali communities, but the Rakhine community behaves parochially in every case. Therefore, in the case of Rakhine community, the concept of civic culture is not applicable but in the Bangali communities, there are no distinct political cultures, but rather a mixed one, which is termed as a civic culture. The causes of the parochial political culture of Rakhines are their dearth of education, backwardness, scarce of mobility as well as apathetic political communication.


1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (120) ◽  
pp. 581-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eunan O’Halpin

Academic study of the development of Irish political parties has been hampered by a shortage of primary source material available to historians and political scientists. This is because the headquarters records of parties, where they have survived, are generally fragmentary and ill-organised, and because few national politicians or party organisers have left papers for research.The shortage of primary sources on the major political parties is reflected in the standard academic works dealing with their development, from Maurice Manning’s Irish political parties (1972) and Michael Gallagher’s The Irish Labour Party in transition, 1957–1982 (1982) to Richard Dunphy’s recent The making of Fianna Fáil power in Ireland (1995). These are largely based on secondary sources, on interviews, and on the private papers of individual politicians. Where scholars have had access to party records, furthermore, it has generally been on an informal and improvised basis. It was in such circumstances that John Bowman, while preparing De Valera and the Ulster question, 1917–1973 (1982), and Dermot Keogh, while researching Ireland and Europe, 1919–1948 (1988), were given sight of some of the records of the Fianna Fail national executive committee and the parliamentary party.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Brading

The political strategies used to attract Taiwanese Millennials is a puzzling topic. This article analyses the strategies the two main political parties have implemented in recent years to do so. In the literature on youth attitudes in Western democracies, politics is described as “boring,” a “big turn-off,” and a “killjoy.” I examine to what degree these theoretical terms can help define the youth's perception of politics and I describe the youth-led demonstrations that have taken place. Using primary sources, this analysis unfolds the objectives, successes, and failures of the youth wings of two political parties founded in early 2006. The 2008 and 2012 presidential campaigns are considered in relation to the theme of youth engagement. A key event in recent years was the March–April 2014 Sunflower Student Movement. The impact of this event and youth politics leading up to the 2016 presidential and legislative elections is discussed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Abdalhadi Alijla

Abstract This article examines the response of two non-state actors, Hezbollah and Hamas, to the coronavirus pandemic in Lebanon and Palestine. It studies the patterns of governance, practicalities, leadership, and legitimacy both parties deployed during the Covid-19 crisis. It argues that non-state actors usually imitate states by trying to acquire legitimacy in such cases. The coronavirus was sectarianised, politicised, and used to gain external and local legitimacy by Hamas and Hezbollah, respectively. The success of non-state actors in managing the coronavirus pandemic was rooted in two factors: the existence of a pre-existing and well-developed welfare system, and the party’s capacity to mobilise its constituencies mainly through charismatic leadership. The paper is based on primary sources, including interviews, news articles, and social media.


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