Gender Difference in Households’ Expenditure on Higher Education: Evidence from Mongolia

The existing evidence suggests that there is a reverse gender gap in higher education in Mongolia. Prior studies on the reverse gender gap in education were based on the gross enrolment rates and did not delve deeper in terms of using empirical data analyzed over an extended time-period. This paper investigates gender bias in the households’ expenditure on higher education and tracks changes over the ten-year period from 2008 to 2018 using empirical data. In this regard, this study examines the factors and determinants responsible for the gender bias in the households’ expenditure on higher education. To address these questions, the study employs the Engel Curve approach (unconditional educational expenditure) and Hurdle model, which estimates bias in the enrolment decisions and bias in the conditional educational expenditure, both at the household and individual level in 2008 and 2018, using the Household Socio-Economic Survey of Mongolia. Its findings illustrate that gender bias in households’ expenditure on higher education does exist, and it favors girls over boys at the household and individual levels in 2008 and 2018. The findings show that households allocate a greater share of education expenditure to females aged 16–18 and 19–24 than to their male counterparts. Statistical analysis suggests that households’ residence and the occupation of household heads are two important factors affecting this gender bias. Thus, if a household resides in the countryside and its head is employed in the agricultural sector, female offspring are more likely to receive higher education than male offspring. Traditional gender roles and the Mongolian way of life, which centers around attending to livestock and requiring a male labor force and the wage gap, are contextual factors that help explain this gender bias.

Conflict Management, International Parliamentary Assemblies and Small States: The Cases of Georgia and Moldova

The parliamentary assemblies of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Council of Europe have reputations as bridge-building institutions between western and post-socialist countries. However, territorial disputes between member states pose a challenge to the parliamentary diplomacy of these international parliamentary institutions (IPIs). This article examines how IPIs address conflicts in the cases of two small states facing “frozen” secessionist conflicts, where Russia’s hegemony is involved, namely Georgia with its territorial disputes in South Ossetia and Abkhazia along with Moldova and its secessionist dispute with Transnistria. This contribution unpacks IPI strategies by applying conceptual approaches from parliamentary diplomacy, conflict management and small-states literature, as well as the respective arguments on hegemonic strategies.

Transitional Justice in Post-communist Societies—The Case Study of Albania

Post-communist and post-totalitarian Albania is an interesting case study in the framework of Transitional Justice (TJ) modelling, due to widespread “amnesia” since the start of regime change in the 1990s.

The 2020 Violent Change in Government in Kyrgyzstan Amid the Covid-19 Pandemic: Three Distinct Stories in One

The day after the election night, on October 5th of 2020, several thousand Kyrgyz citizens poured in the direction of the main square of the capital Bishkek to denounce fraudulent elections. An estimated 1,250 people were injured, and one young person died. This third violent change of government in Kyrgyzstan’s short history of independence can be best understood as a combination of three distinct stories coming together under an unprecedented external shock produced by the coronavirus. First, a genuine citizen mobilization was triggered by the pandemic-related economic decline and rigged elections. Second, the initial peaceful protest was hijacked, to the surprise of the many, by a populist leader capitalizing on long-existing societal polarization. Third, the spectacular unfolding of the intra-opposition struggle downplays an important process of oligarchization, underlying the shaky grounds of patronal presidentialism in pluralist systems.

“Glocal” Governance in the OSCE Region: A Research Proposal

Abstract“Think global, act locally,” is the essence of glocalization and of glocal governance. Glocal governance means that local stakeholders, such as business, civil society, city councils, authorities and activists actively participate in decision-making processes. Different stakeholders, local, international and domestic ones, make decisions on common rules and regulations while operating, controlling, implementing and enforcing them locally—and wherever needed. Many of these decisions are taken in light of and in accordance with global or international standards. Such standards can be universal UN human rights norms that are, for example, enshrined in international human rights treaties and agreements, and WTO trade norms on tax regulation or copyrights and laws. Global norms can be international customary law, such as humanitarian law or the law of the sea, general guidelines, recommendations or rules and standards on security and elections as set by the OSCE.

Identity and Power—The Discursive Transformation of the Former Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan

The former Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan (IRPT) underwent a political transformation from an Islamist organization, partly responsible for armed mobilizations during the Civil War in Tajikistan (1992–1997), to a moderate and arguably democratic party from the early 2000s until 2015. The party defined and redefined its identity to fit both Islamic and secular democratic narratives. This research traced the evolution of the IRPT’s identity in light of critical events such as the change in leadership in 2006, and the Arab Spring. A discourse analysis of the IRPT’s main communication channel, Najot, from 2008 to 2015 has been conducted, which found three themes where strong articulations about identity were made: secularism, the Civil War, and the Islamic World. First, they challenged the core legislation regulating the triangular relationship of state, society, and religion; they justified political Islam; and they criticized what they called “secular extremism.” Second, the party produced a counter-narrative of Civil War actors and actions to that of the state. Third, they expressed solidarity with legal and controversial Islamic parties elsewhere, such as the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, or the Palestinian Hamas. This paper has found that the IRPT’s ideological transformation was limited due to the remaining Islamist elements in their discourse and the lack of clarity on the compatibility between Islamic and secular democratic programs.

China and The OSCE’s Security Identity Crisis

This study attempts to explore how China as an external actor bordering the OSCE region facilitates and amplifies the norm contestation in the OSCE’s wider region. We argue that China can use the OSCE’s internal leadership and security crisis for its own strategic advantage by further weakening the OSCE participating States’ commitments in the human dimension and their support for democratic institutions. We discuss the aforementioned through the case of the persecution of Muslims in Xinjiang. The research findings indicate that China uses its policy tools to accomplish its objectives: it seeks to expand and strengthen the network of supporting states in regard to Xinjiang; it uses its diplomats as outlets of propaganda and disinformation to deny the persecution of Muslims in Xinjiang and to present China as a benign actor; it uses multilateral institutions such as Shanghai Cooperation Organisation as a platform to build support for its alternative regional security governance model. We conclude that this policy posture undermines the work of the OSCE and trust in its values, norms, and practices.

The Power Shift from Government to Organized Crime in Kyrgyzstan

Organized crime (OC) groups in Kyrgyzstan have reached a level where they are competing with governmental authorities and institutions. Leaders of OC groups can assign members of their groups into law enforcement positions and parliament. It is safe to claim that the absence of rule of law and legal gaps encourage organized crime groups to flourish. From an economic point of view, privatization and capitalization of the economic system in the process of democratization have been in the interest and favor of the development of criminal organizations. Organized crime gangs can easily fill their chests by benefiting from the legal gaps. For instance, all the jewelry store owners at the major markets in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan pay fees to an OC gang for their safety and security. Small business owners have been taken under control by organized crime to resolve economic disputes or just because they are in their area of control. Moreover, gangs and groups operating in the South Kyrgyzstan, as well as in Talas and Bishkek, deal with drug trafficking. The cultural aspect of this issue focuses on the importance of the clan ties and network connections in Kyrgyzstan and its use by organized crime. The networking used by the OC also includes utilization of the Internet and social media, consequently it became difficult to counter them during the process of globalization and the whole of society being integrated with the internet and social media, the fight against organized crime has become more difficult. Challenging existing socio-cultural structures, to increase law enforcement and combat clan-based subculture and informal law practices, such as the “thieves” “laws” and “brotherhood hierarchies” of organized crime, have been an almost impossible endeavor over the past 30 years. Consequently, breaking the network of OC and destroying its nationwide functions is a challenge, not only in Kyrgyzstan but in many post-soviet countries.

Peacebuilding in the OSCE Region—An Analysis of the Juxtaposition Between the Conflict Prevention Center with the United Nations Peacebuilding Fund

This chapter introduces the perspective on juxtaposition to explain how different international organizations cooperate through similar structural departments. Juxtaposition is presented based on an analysis of a relationship between the United Nations (UN) Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) with the Conflict Prevention Center (CPC) of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) with regard to how these respective institutional departments deal with their own notion on peacebuilding. Through a qualitative analysis on both the PBF and CPC, juxtaposition enables our comprehension to identify peacebuilding dynamics in both organizations and how the UN and the OSCE collectively design strategies aiming peace.

The Role of Securitization in the Relationship Between State and Religion—The Example of the Kyrgyz Republic

In this paper, we discuss the challenges of developing secular framework in relation to religion in Kyrgyzstan, the first Central Asian republic where democratic institutions were established after the collapse of the Soviet Union and which has been strongly challenged in maintaining its democratic achievements during the Tulip Revolution and other revolts in 2010 and 2020. The question we aim to answer is how processes of securitization shape the relationship between state institutions and religious organizations, knowing that Kyrgyzstan is still influenced both by the Soviet understanding of secularism and by models of secularity and governance from countries and societies with different histories and conditions of development. We look at different phases of the relationship between state and religion starting with the regime change and the establishment of a democratic state. Secondly, the establishing of a legal framework for state policy on religious organizations. Thirdly, the time of the adoption of measures to protect the interests of all citizens, believers and non-believers, and the beginning of the process of active influence of state policy on the situation in the religious sphere. And finally, the new (mis)understanding of the relations between the state and religion, both on the side of the state and religious organizations. Our theoretical point of departure is the concept of securitization, and from there on we take a discursive approach focusing on the different actors in this arena, such as state institutions and the various religious organizations and groups.