Environmental Security for the Promotion of Pan-European Integration: The OSCE as a ‘Europeanising Actor’ in the Balkans

Author(s):  
Emma Hakala
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veton Latifi

Three decades since the end of the Cold War and the fall of communism, some of the Balkan nations are not following yet the lessons for building sustainable peace and functioning democracies according to their aspirations (at least in a declarative way) for association with the liberal democracies of the European Union (EU). Rather, the Balkans’ history is transforming into a story of importing the habits and principles from the communism period in a paradoxical way of establishing the illiberal democracies followed by controversies and defects in the process of state-building. More than a decade, the Balkans, from one side, is transformed into a zone of periphery with a focus of the European determination for the support of the institutional reform through the process of integration, but in parallel, it is being self-formatted into a zone of self-isolation of the Balkan nations. This article will discuss the transition paradigm of the Balkans through functional analysis of aspects related to the rhetoric of Balkan countries in the discourse of the criteria of the European integration project; the dimension of the Balkan ancient myth with the new additional attribute of self-isolation; the insisting of the Balkan political elites for catapulting to the European project; and as well as the dynamics of the transition, internal and European integration of the Albanians and other nations of the Balkan region in the general


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-55
Author(s):  
E. G. Entina

Traditionally the phenomenon of the European integration towards South East Europe is regarded starting from the XXI century. The explanation for such a periodization are resolution of the open conflicts on the territory of the former Yugoslavia and implementation of the complex EU strategy for the region. Starting point of the majority of researches is the year of 2003 when the EU Agenda for the Western Balkans was started in Thessaloniki. The topic of EEC-Yugoslavia relations, SFRY having been first socialist country to institutionalize its trade and economic relations with Brussels, are unfairly ignored in domestic and foreign scientific literature. It is regarded solely as a chronological period of trade agreements. Nevertheless, this issue is of fundamental importance for understanding the current neighborhood of the European Union. The main thesis the author proves is that in the 1960s and 1980s as it is the case nowadays, the main imperative of Brussels' policy towards the Balkans was to prevent Moscow from increasing its influence. This led to the formation of a very specific format of relations with Belgrade and was one of the reasons why the economic crisis in Yugoslavia became extreme and its economy irreformable. In addition, at a later and structurally much more complicated stage of relations between the countries of the former Yugoslavia and the European Union the specificity and main components of relations of the Cold War period did not fundamentally change. As for the policy of so-called containment of the external actors one could see that besides Moscow, we can speak about similar attitude of the EU towards China. It makes it possible to consider the EU policy towards the countries of the former Yugoslavia in the paradigm of neoclassical realism, rather than in the paradigm of traditional liberal European integration approaches which allows us to unite neorealists elements with the specifics of internal processes, including the modernization of institutes, relations between society and state, types of political leadership.


2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 439-458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitris Asimakoulas

Historiographers, anthropologists and cultural studies experts have shown that discussions of identity in or about the Balkans have been traditionally linked to a sense of ‘deficiency.’ Given the history of conflict, the drive towards greater European integration and the effects of the current economic crisis in the region, there is an urgency to deconstruct such ideologies. This article shows how Herzfeld’s (2002; 2005) approach to Balkan marginality may be productively extended to cover cultural and translation critique. Thus his concept ofcultural intimacyis applied to stories of migration. Two Greek works are examined: Gazmend Kapllani’s semi-autobiographic novelA Short Border Diary(2006), translated into English by Marie Stanton-Ife, and Filippos Tsitos’ filmPlato’s Academy(2009), subtitled into English. Both works have set a precedent in terms of audience reception and as documents of a historical cycle, the migration of thousands of Albanians to Greece after the collapse of communism. Translation and subtitling into English respectively show that the written and the audiovisual medium present different opportunities for conveying Balkan otherness.


2021 ◽  
pp. 126-147
Author(s):  
Ilgar M. Mamedov ◽  

Davutoglu defines Turkey as a central regional power located in the middle of Afro-Eurasia and surrounded by regions with which it does not only have geographical proximity, but also historical and cultural ties. Consisting of three belts, these regions constitute the strategic depth of Turkey. The Balkans are one of them. The two basic axes on which Turkey’s Balkan geopolitics is based are Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo. The Bosnian, the Macedonian, and the Albanian issues (the latter being an extension of the Kosovo issue) are key regional problems. A. Davutoglu considers them from the point of view of global, regional, and local challenges. Turkey should keep track of external regional factors and internal regional balances. At the global level, Ankara is striving to build a new international political, economic, and cultural order. Regionalism is the most important basis and requirement for the Balkan policy aimed at creating a regional order based on the principles of regional responsibility, inclusiveness, and economic integration, and aspirations for European integration. There is an incompatibility, moreover, a contradiction of regional and European integration, which creates a dilemma for the Balkan policy of Turkey.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 375-378
Author(s):  
Artan Lila

Cross-border regions make a real opportunity for the creation of connections and reinforcement of interstate relations. Positive examples of these regions like the one between Germany and Poland and Czech Republic are a testimony of their transformation into connectors for the reinforcement of the relations between the people of these regions. In this way, our analysis aims to show a real opportunity for the development of the cross-borders region above mentioned, focusing mainly towards tourism. On the other hand, this will serve to the approaching and the European integration of the cross-border region Strug-Gollobord , giving new perspectives to it. Even though the population of this region forces many difficulties, there are mutual aims like their integration in the big European family leaving behind old political division. It’s geographical position as a connector between the Adriatic Sea and the Balkans, the favorable natural conditions, the great archeological and historical assets make a real opportunity to give it the focus of the touristic region. All these resources of the natural, cultural or spiritual kind, connected to the cohabitation of some ethnics within it, offer a great interest in the human studies field. The orientation towards tourism would urge the stable development and would also greatly satisfy the touristic chain Prespa-Galicicë-Jabllanicë.This new economical orientation, offers new opportunities to the development of these region and even further. It will urge the governments of both countries into the composition of regional strategies for the interstate cooperation and European integration. The infrastructure investments, especially on the west side of it, the reopening of the Stebleva border crossing point would serve this aim perfectly.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 252
Author(s):  
Jeta Goxha

<p><em>Compared to other Western Balkan countries, the Kosovo case is of particular importance, on the one hand, by the fact that it is the youngest state in the region and, on the other hand, the integration of Western Balkan countries could not be sustained without resolution of Kosovo’s status.</em></p><p><em>This paper aims to analyze the progress made in the relations between the two countries. The normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia is an important factor in regional co-operation, as well as an important condition for stabilizing the Balkans.</em></p><p><em>To make possible the realization of this objective Kosovo has undertaken a number of initiatives, which could facilitate the process of European integration. National Strategy for European Integration aims at supporting Kosovo’s aspirations for membership and EU integration, so that by 2020 Kosovo may have “completed its homework” for EU integration.</em></p><em>Following the declaration of independence, Kosovo’s main objective is Euro-Atlantic integration. Mainly, the journey towards the EU has been influenced by a number of factors, such as the overall situation, the political situation in the country, and the close relationship between Kosovo and Serbia. Following the signing on 19 April 2013 of the historic agreement by Prime Minister Hashim Thaci on the Kosovo side and Ivica Dacic on the Serbian side, the situation between the two countries apparently “improved”. But what is different is the fact that this agreement was implemented thanks to the influence of EU representatives after a series of failed attempts.</em>


2005 ◽  
pp. 13-21
Author(s):  
Yu.M. Kochubey

Speaking of Islam or Muslims, they have long been known in Western Europe, starting with the conquest of the Iberian Peninsula, the Mediterranean, the Battle of Guiatti. Later, there were the Crusades, the expansion of the Ottomans in the Balkans and Central Europe, the North African corsairs, and the colonial expansion of Europeans on Muslim land, in particular, under the Ottoman Empire.


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