The EU in the Eastern Mediterranean: Multilateral and Bilateral Relations

Author(s):  
Foteini Asderaki
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Zlatin ◽  

The purpose of this article is to analyse relations between Ukraine and Romania in the post-communist period. It provides a deep insight into the evolution of these relations in the context of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. The study gives a general overview of the bilateral relations between the two neighbouring countries since the collapse of USSR and restoration of Ukraine’s independence in 1991, focusing on a wide range of irritants both great and small. Further, the research highlights turbulent relations between Kyiv and Bucharest from the historical and socio-cultural perspective. Another neuralgic issue analysed in this paper is Russian illegal annexation of the Crimea and its aggression against Ukraine, which not only destabilised the security balance in the Black Sea, Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East by establishing a large anti-access/area-denial exclusion zone but also caused the greatest threat to the national security of Romania. In fact, with Russia being its direct maritime neighbour Romania cannot cope with this threat alone. Furthermore, the study shows that Russian aggression against Ukraine resulted in intensifying rapprochement between Ukraine and Romania since 2014. Subsequently, Romania condemned the Kremlin’s aggression and became one of the Ukraine’s advocates within the international organisations like the EU, NATO, and the UN. Finally, it is also noteworthy that summit meetings between Kyiv and Bucharest reveal the new phase in their bilateral relations based on the “security first” approach.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Justyna Olędzka

The purpose of this article is to discuss the trajectory of Belarusian-Lithuanian relations with a particular focus on the period after the 2020 Belarusian presidential election, which resulted in a change in international relations in the region. This was the moment that redefined the Lithuanian-Belarusian relations, which until 2020 were satisfactory for both sides (especially in the economic aspect). However, Lithuania began to pursue a reactive policy of promoting the democratisation of Belarus and provided multi-level support to Belarusian opposition forces. The current problems in bilateral relations (e.g., the future of Belarusian Nuclear Power Plant located in Astravyets) have been put on the agenda for discussion at the EU level, while the instruments of a hybrid conflict in the form of an influx of immigrants into Lithuania, controlled by the Belarusian regime, have become a key issue for the future prospects of relations between Belarus and Lithuania.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 83-98
Author(s):  
Janina Witkowska

The aim of this paper is to discuss new trends that have occurred in the policies of the EU and China towards foreign direct investment (FDI), to examine some implications of the EU‑China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) – which is currently being negotiated – for their bilateral relations, and to assess the role which China’s “One Belt One Road’ (OBOR) initiative might play in its relations with the new EU Member States. The EU established freedom of capital movement with third countries; however, the introduction of the common investment policy has encountered some obstacles. These are related to investor protection and ISDS issues. In turn, China is carrying out an independent state policy towards foreign investment with limited liberalization of FDI flows. The negotiated EU‑China CAI is expected to create conditions conducive to bilateral foreign investment flows, and it might bring positive effects for their economies in the future. However, the progress made thus far in the negotiations is still limited. The relations between China and the new EU Member states (CEE countries) are characterized by common interests in the field of FDI flows. The new EU countries are interested in attracting Chinese FDI and seem not to show the fears that have arisen in the old EU countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 705 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-66
Author(s):  
Arıboğan Deniz Ülke ◽  
Ibrahim Arslan

In the studies carried out within the scope of geopolitical discipline, the expression "geography is destiny" is frequently used and it is claimed that geography has unchangeable, irreversible qualities and the policies implemented are shaped through this assumption. This assumption ignores the humanitarian interventions over the geography and makes it difficult to understand the results produced by these interventions at both regional and global level. Similarly, the dynamic nature of international relations reveals new actors in the international system in times of bounce and collapse, and the borders that expand or narrow with each transformation can differentiate the geopolitical view with new sovereign countries. In the historical process, transportation accessibility, trade, search for raw materials, security and alliance relations have caused the same geography to be interpreted differently in different periods. This situation also applies to the geography of Turkey had been the homeland of empires. The developments in the Middle East over the past two decades has created a sensitivity in the relations between Turkey and the West, especially the United States. Competing interests with the EU and the US in the Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean, has necessitated a reassessment of Turkey's geography.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
Giselle Bosse ◽  
Moritz Höpner ◽  
Alena Vieira

Abstract In bilateral relations and negotiations with the European Union (EU), smaller and economically weaker states are often unable to express their national preferences. Despite their limited bargaining power, however, some Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries obtained significant concessions from the EU. This article analyzes the factors that explain EaP states’ unexpected negotiation success in the context of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) with Ukraine, the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with Armenia, and enhanced economic partnership with Belarus. We identify negotiation strategies that are crucial to understanding of the puzzle.


Significance Erdogan’s New York meetings will include discussions of the troubled US-Turkish relationship. When a jailed US pastor returns to court in October on espionage charges, Turkey could step back and perhaps take some heat out of bilateral relations by releasing him. However, the chance of a full recovery in relations seems to have passed. Impacts Turkey will further diversify defence procurement outside NATO. Better relations with Germany and the EU will counterbalance worsening US ties. Tourism will recover, switching to Russian and Far Eastern visitors.


Significance Over the past few months, the new Greek government under the leadership of Kyriakos Mitsotakis has demonstrated both its commitment to reforming the domestic energy market and its ability to engage regional partners in a dialogue on cooperation in energy policy. Its ambitious plan to transform Greece into a regional natural gas hub got off to a good start in 2020 with the signing of the landmark international Eastern Mediterranean (EastMed) pipeline agreement on January 3. Impacts If the economy recovers as expected, particularly industry, it should boost domestic demand for gas. In the short term, Greek reliance on Russian gas imports is expected to remain high. Rising volumes of US LNG imports will appease the United States, a strategic trade and military partner of the EU. Greece will strive to position itself as prominent LNG bunkering location in the Eastern Mediterranean.


Author(s):  
L. Gusev

In this paper the author considers policy of the European Union in the Central Asia. The author analyzes an updated EU strategy for the Central Asia and emphasizes its pragmatism, based on individual economic interests of the Central Asian countries in promoting bilateral relations. In the offered paper is also considered the evolution of the EU policy in the Central Asia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 262-275
Author(s):  
Yury I. Nadtochey ◽  
Milka Malfait

This article explains the institutional framework for EU-Russia cooperation, in particular in the field of combating terrorism. Under auspices of the Permanent Partnership Council, a political dialogue has been established, with four road maps concluded on its sidelines. Due to the Road map on the Common Space of Freedom, Security and Justice, Russia has the possibility not only to establish bilateral relations with EU member states, but also with the EU as an organization. This article discusses practical ways for Russia to cooperate with the EU and its Member States in the fight against terrorism. The authors emphasize the distinctive features between the simple exchange of information and real joint operational forces. This article highlights that Russia-EU cooperation will improve only if both sides consider the same terrorist organizations from common angle.


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