30 lat rosyjskiej polityki imigracyjnej i jej znaczenie z perspektywy Federacji Rosyjskiej i obszaru poradzieckiego

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-378
Author(s):  
Andrzej Szabaciuk

The article aims to analyze the immigration politics of the Russian Federation from the perspective of the last three decades after the collapse of the Soviet Union. We have considered its importance from the point of view of the domestic and foreign policy of the state. Since 2000, with the beginning of Vladimir Putin’s first presidency, we have been observing a significant increase in the importance of the immigration policy of the Russian Federation, which was an important component of the Russian population policy and one of the key instruments to counteract the deepening depopulation of the state. However, the growing popularity of labor migration to the Russian Federation and the low effectiveness of managing migration flows resulted in a massive influx of irregular migrants, which have used some of the Russian political circles to fuel anti-immigration sentiments. Because of this politics, since 2007, we have been observing a gradual departure from the earlier model of immigration policy, open to labor migration from the Commonwealth of Independent States, towards a policy limiting the influx of Muslim migrants from Central Asia. At the same time Russian government have invited Russian-speaking people from the post-Soviet area to settle in Russia. The introduced restrictions allowed the Russian Federation to use the facilitation of access to the Russian labor market as an instrument encouraging the political and economic integration of the post-Soviet states within the structures controlled by the Russian Federation. The increase in the political component of immigration policy did not change the fact that it was thanks to the influx of people from the post-Soviet area that Russia avoided the depopulation that is currently observed in Ukraine. Analyzing the situation of the Russian Federation and its politics towards the post-Soviet region, the realistic paradigm was used as it best reflects the specificity of the region.

2020 ◽  
pp. 245-265
Author(s):  
Арсен Артурович Григорян

Цель данной статьи - описать условия, в которых Армянская Апостольская Церковь вступила в эпоху правления Н. С. Хрущёва, начавшуюся в 1953 г. По содержанию статью можно поделить на две части: в первой даются сведения о количестве приходов на территории Советского Союза и за его пределами, а также о составе армянского духовенства в СССР; во второй излагаются проблемы, существовавшие внутри Армянской Церкви, и рассматриваются их причины. Методы исследования - описание и анализ. Ценность исследования заключается в использовании ранее неопубликованных документов Государственного архива Российской Федерации и Национального архива Армении. По итогам изучения фактического материала выделяются основные проблемы Армянской Апостольской Церкви на 1953 г.: финансовый дефицит, конфликт армянских католикосатов и стремление враждующих СССР и США использовать церковь в своих политических целях. The purpose of this article is to describe the conditions in which the Armenian Apostolic Church entered the epoch of the reign of N. S. Khrushchev, which began in 1953. The article can be divided into two parts: first one gives information about the number of parishes in the territory of the Soviet Union and beyond, and about the structure of the Armenian clergy in the USSR; the second one sets out the problems that existed in the Armenian Church and discusses their causes. Research methods - description and analysis. The value of the study lies in the use of previously unpublished documents of the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the National Archive of Armenia. Based on the results of studying the materials, the main problems of the Armenian Apostolic Church in 1953 are: financial deficit, the conflict of Armenian Catholicosates and the eagerness of USSR and the USA, that feuded with each other, to use the Сhurch for their political purposes.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brandon C. Halaychik

The Russian Federations drive to reestablish itself as a global power has severe security implications for the United States, its Arctic neighbors, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as a whole. The former Commander of United States Naval Forces Europe Admiral Mark Ferguson noted that the re-militarization of Russian security policy in the Arctic is one of the most significant developments in the twenty-first century adding that Russia is creating an “Arc of steel from the Arctic to the Mediterranean” (Herbst 2016, 166). Although the Russian Federation postulates its expansion into the Arctic is for purely economic means, the reality of the military hardware being placed in the region by the Russians tells otherwise. Implementation of military hardware such as anti-air defenses is contrary to the stipulated purposes of the Russian Government in the region. Therefore is the Russian Federation building strategic military bases in the Arctic to challenge the United States hegemony due to the mistreatment against the Russians by the United States and NATO after the collapse of the Soviet Union.


1992 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-96
Author(s):  
Henry Huttenbach

A year ago it was still possible to review events within the regional confines of Transcaucasia. The three republics constituted a logical sub-unit of the Soviet Union. Subsequent events, however, no longer permit such a tidy delineation. A revolution is taking place: the Raspad, or Great Collapse, of which the dissolution of the USSR was but the beginning of a major political reshufflement throughout Eurasia, a continuing process that is still playing itself out in the entire Caucasian region. The demise of the trans-continental Soviet empire has left the three Transcaucasian successor states separated by international borders from the Russian Federation, Iran, and Turkey as well as from one another. Nevertheless, the dynamics of ethnic-fueled fragmentation, which initially helped bring down the power of Moscow, continues to gnaw away in defiance of any artificial frontiers, most of which cut through ethnic communities. Revisionist ethnic activities thrive on either sides of frontiers, especially those shared by Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkey, Iran, and the Russian Federation, thereby forcing one to consider the whole of Caucasia as the proper area of evaluation for the crucial year 1991-2. North and south of the mountainous divide, ethnic-driven politics proves all too clearly that the energies of the Raspad are anything but spent.


Legal Concept ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 94-98
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Vavilova ◽  

Introduction: the paper discusses the study of the basic principles and methods of determining rental rates for the use of land owned by the state and municipal authorities. Despite the increasing trend of the privatization of state-owned land, its significant proportion is still under the state ownership. In this regard, a significant share of court proceedings in the Arbitration courts falls precisely on those disputes that relate to the determination of the procedure for establishing the rent of state-owned real estate in Russia. In this regard, the author set the goal – to study the problem of establishing the amount of the rent for the land held by tenants for housing after bringing into force Resolution of the Government of the Russian Government No. 582 of July 16, 2009 “On the basic principles of determining the rent for leases of land plots in the state or municipal ownership, and on the Rules for determining the amount of rent and the order of the conditions and terms of payment of rent for land in the ownership of the Russian Federation” (hereinafter – “Resolution No. 582”). Methods: the methodological framework for the study is a set of methods of scientific knowledge, among which the main one is the comparative law method, as well as the methods of systematization and analysis. Results: the author’s position grounded in the work is based on the analysis of the legislation and the opinions of the scientists expressed in the competent scientific community on the issue of establishing the basic rates for renting the state real estate. Conclusions: as a result of the study, the main principles of determining the rates for renting the state-owned real estate, as well as the procedure for determining them, were analyzed. It was established that the amount of rent for land plots that were provided to tenants for housing construction after the entry into force of Resolution No. 582 should not exceed 2 % of the cadastral value of such real estate.


Author(s):  
D.A EZHOV ◽  

The article assesses the electoral prospects of new political parties registered by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation in 2020, on the eve of the elections of deputies to the State Duma of the Russian Federation, scheduled for September 2021. Based on the results of regional elections held on a single voting day on September 13, 2020, party rhetoric and documents, the author consistently characterizes the electoral potential of the political parties such as «New People», «For Truth», «Green Alternative», and «Direct Democracy Party». The author's judgments are based on the hypothesis that the current electoral potential of new parties, which is fixed at a relatively low level, does not allow us to consider them as competitive and independent subjects in the election campaign at the start of the campaign. The likelihood of certain new parties receiving deputy mandates due to the victory of their candidates in single-mandate constituencies is emphasized. Special attention is paid to the consideration of methods of forming a pool of supporters of new political parties, determined by the specifics of their functioning.


Author(s):  
O. Zadorozhnii

Examines the arguments used by Russia to accuse Ukraine in disaster of Malaysian Boeing 777 that occurred on July 17, 2014. In particular, the article analyzes the following lines of arguments developed by the representatives of the Russian government and doctrine: responsibility of the state in whose territory the crime has been committed; the campaign to discredit the investigation into the incident aimed at whitewashing Russia and at deflecting suspicion and accusations from Russia; criticism of the ideas and procedures for the establishment of an international tribunal to investigate crimes associated with the downing of MH17. The author points to the absurdity, contradictions of the positions of the Russian authorities and the doctrine of international law in terms of international law, and in terms of the facts. In his turn, the author qualifies accident in terms of international law against the general context of the war of aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. The author also argues in favor of a qualified international investigation into the accident and the creation of an international tribunal to prosecute the perpetrators of the tragedy.


Author(s):  
Elena Ustinovich

This article presents the political, legal, and strategic foundations of the state policy of regional development. The main principles, goals, priority tasks, and mechanisms for implementing the state policy of regional development are analyzed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 41-49
Author(s):  
Yuriy Ershov

The article is devoted to assessing the reasons and meaning of amendments to the Russian Federation Constitution made by the current political regime. The manner in which the amendments were adopted together with their content demonstrates inability of the state and the political system as a whole to govern and rule in accordance with the principles and norms of democracy and law. The concept of “unworthy governing” is used to characterize the existing mechanism of power and management of society in Russia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-396
Author(s):  
Yu. A. Nisnevich

The article is devoted to the political and historical analysis of the elections of deputies of the State Duma of the second convocation in 1995. The political context of these elections is assessed as a confrontation between the “party in power” and the anti-reform opposition. To counteract the opposition, the “party in power” created its own political structure to participate in the elections — the movement “Our Home-Russia” (NDR), headed by Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin. An analysis of the process of creating the PDR movement, which took place under the auspices of the Presidential Administration, confirms the use of the administrative resource of the presidential and executive powers in this process. The creation of the NDR movement led to the erosion of the reformist-democratic wing. The weakening of this flank was also facilitated by the fact that the political organizations forming it could not unite. Two leading political organizations with a reformist-democratic orientation — Yegor Gaidar’s Democratic Choice of Russia party and Grigory Yavlinsky’s Yabloko public association did not create a common electoral bloc, although there were objective prerequisites for this. A significant aspect of the 1995 election campaign was the fact that Russian industry corporations and financial and industrial groups began to show an active interest in the elections of deputies. They began to incorporate lobbyists of their interests into the parliamentary corps. At the elections of deputies of the State Duma of the second convocation in 1995. success accompanied the anti-reform opposition and, above all, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, failure befell the “party of power” represented by the NDR movement, and the reformist democrats who failed to unite suffered a crushing defeat. The State Duma of the second convocation had a pronounced anti-reform and oppositional character to the incumbent president and the executive branch, but at the same time it was a fairly independent political institution, which retained certain opportunities for competitive legislative activity and the search for compromises in crisis situations. The 1995 elections cannot be assessed as completely fair and free, and, starting with these elections, the bacillus of electoral corruption was introduced into the organism of Russian politics.


Author(s):  
K. T. Lukianenko

Currently, in the Russian Federation, the increasing attention of the state is attracted by the growth of the political activity of Russian youth . This activity has both a productive expression and a destructive one . At the same time, an increasing number of young people are taking part in various unsystematic political actions directed against the state . Against the background of these processes, questions of the effectiveness of working with youth are of particular importance, since further prospects for the development of moods and trends in the youth environment remain unclear and difficult to predict . Undoubtedly, the growth of the destructive activity of youth is a negative trend, which has many reasons, including the actions of the state . This article discusses the causes and possible prospects for the growth of destructive activity in the youth environment in the Russian Federation.


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