scholarly journals “Self-testimony of a Past Present”: Reuses of Historical Film Documents

Author(s):  
Anja Sattelmacher

AbstractHas the history of film digitization ever been incorporated in questions of evidence and knowledge production? The digitization of thousands of films from the former Institute for Scientific Film (IWF) that is currently underway gives an occasion to think about the provenance and reuses of filmic images as well as the ways in which they claim to produce scientific (or in this case, historical) evidence. In the years between 1956 and 1960, the German Social Democrat, historian and filmmaker Friedrich “Fritz” Terveen initiated a film series that used historical found film footage in order to educate university students about contemporary history. The first small series of films was entitled Airship Aviation in Germany which consisted of four short films using found footage of zeppelin flights, of which the earliest images stem from around 1904 and the latest from 1937, the moment of the “Hindenburg disaster.” This article explores how Terveen sought to shape the political landscape of history teaching in the new Federal Republic of Germany by first setting up nation-wide visual archives to host historical film documents, and secondly by seeking to improve the political education of a new generation of young Germans with the aid of the moving image.

Author(s):  
Courtney Freer

This book, using contemporary history and original empirical research, updates traditional rentier state theory, which largely fails to account for the existence of Islamist movements, by demonstrating the political capital held by Muslim Brotherhood affiliates in Kuwait, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). While rentier state theory predicts that citizens of such states will form opposition blocs only when their stake in rent income is threatened, this book demonstrates that ideology, rather than rent, has motivated the formation of independent Islamist movements in the wealthiest states of the region. It argues for this thesis by chronicling the history of the Brotherhood in Kuwait, Qatar, and the UAE, and showing how the organization adapted to the changing (and often adverse) political environs of those respective countries to remain a popular and influential force for social, educational, and political change in the region. The presence of oil rents, then, far from rendering Islamist complaint politically irrelevant, shapes the ways in which Islamist movements seek to influence government policies.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-93
Author(s):  
Anna Ceglarska ◽  

History of the rise of the Roman Republic as described by Polybius The aim of this article is to refer Polybius’s political theory, included in Book VI of The Histories, to the history of the rise of the Roman Republic. This theme must have been particularly significant for Polybius. For him, Rome was the most perfect example of a mixed government system, and the aim of describing its history was to show the development of this perfect system. The article presents the mutual relation of theory and history, starting with the period of kingship, up to the emergence of the democratic element, i.e. the moment when Rome acquired the mixed system of government. Both the political and social contexts of the changes are outlined. The analysis suggests that Polybius related his political theory to the history of the state he admired, thus providing the theory with actual foundations. Reconstructing his analysis makes it possible to see the history of Rome in a different light, and to ponder the system itself and its decline, even though the main objective of both Polybius and this article is to present its development.


1994 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 177-201
Author(s):  
Michael Bentley

DUST has scarcely had time to settle on Lady Thatcher; yet already a thick sediment of historical significance attaches to the fifteen years of her ascendancy. The period between 1975 and 1990 looks likely to prove as significant for the political ideologies of the twenty-first century as that between, say, 1885 and 1906 currently looks for our own. In the twilight world of John Major (who appears part-antidote, part-surrogate), Conservative ideology is becoming informed by reviews from both sides as they reflect on not only what went wrong but what it was that seemingly went so right, from a party point of view, for so long. We have just had placed before us, for example, John Campbell's admirable biography of Sir Edward Heath, on theone hand, and Alan Clark's transfixing diaries very much on the other. Such documents supplement amass of theorising and comment by political scientists and journalists, most of which dwells on the twin themes of discontinuity and dichotomy. The history of the Tory party is seen to enter a period of catastrophe by the end of the Heath government out of which there emerges a distinct party ideology which people call ‘Thatcherism’: a ‘New Conservatism’ radically distinct from the compromise and accommodation that marked politics after 1951. But that process was contested within the party—hence a dichotomy between two persuasions: the hawks and the doves, the dries and the wets, the Tories and the Conservatives, the true blues and the Liberals. Language of this kind has a particular interest to historians. They want to raise issues about its chronological deep-structure: how ‘new’ was this ‘New Conservatism’?. They recognise the need to situate the dichotomies of the moment in a wider context of Conservative experience: how singular is a doctrine of dichotomy within Conservative party doctrine? Above all they bring into question bald postulates about the nature of current Conservatism which do not compare experience across time


Retos ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 449-454
Author(s):  
Pedro Jesús Ruiz-Montero ◽  
Oscar Chiva-Bartoll ◽  
Juan Carlos Colomer-Rubio ◽  
Juan Leiva-Olivencia

El estudio describe el tratamiento de la Educación Física bajo las leyes franquistas aprobadas tras 1939, para concluir el importante efecto de la orientación política de esta disciplina escolar hasta su progresiva modernización en los 70s. El trabajo parte de los estudios realizados sobre historia de la Educación Física en España durante el franquismo (1936-1975) que han versado sobre dos ejes: el ideal moralizador de la Educación Física acorde con el contexto político-social del momento y los estudios que han analizado los hábitos de práctica física y gimnástica de organizaciones políticas dependientes al régimen, como “Frente de Juventudes” o la “Sección Femenina”. Como conclusión se aportan aspectos relevantes sobre la interpretación de la Educación Física desde las diferentes referencias legislativas y otros documentos durante la dictadura que podrían ayudar a entender diversas perspectivas de esta área. Abstract. The present study describes the treatment and interpretation of Physical Education under Franco's laws passed after 1939, so to discuss the important effect of the political orientation of this school subject until its progressive modernization in the 70's. History of Physical Education in Spain during the dictatorship of Franco (1936-1975) has dealt with two basic axes: the moralizing ideal of Physical Education according to the political-social context of the moment, and the studies that have analysed the habits of Physical and gymnastic practice of political organizations subject to the regime, such as "Frente de Juventudes" or "Sección Femenina". In conclusion, relevant aspects are presented on the interpretation of Physical Education from different legislative references and other documents during the dictatorship that could help understand diverse perspectives of this area, according to the examined Education Law.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
pp. 165-182
Author(s):  
Gonzalo Pasamar

The present article revolves around the interest in contemporary history from ancient writers to humanist historians. Its objective, which forms part of a broader purpose devoted to elucidating the characteristics of the so-called History of the Present, is to examine the forms this interest has traditionally adopted. In this way, we put for consideration the following hypothesis: from classical historians onwards, concern with contemporary history was always considered a hard and inevitable task to be undertaken, since it affected rulers and living people. Nevertheless, the long-standing doctrine of history as memory of events for centuries prevented historians from facing paradoxes that interest in contemporary past implies, that is: how can historians confront the political uses, memories and demands of public opinion to deal with the recent past without jeopardizing historical truth?


Author(s):  
Salah Mahdi Hadi ◽  
Noor Abdul-Ilah Ajrash

The rules of (mutual accumulation strategy) overshadow the history of the crisis relations between the United States of America and Iran four decades ago, and if we recall that, we will notice several collision joints between the two parties, starting with the hostage crisis of the American embassy in Iran from 4/11/1979 to 20 / 1/1981 AD, to the "Marines" attempt to storm this embassy in an operation called "Eagle Claw" on 4/24/1980 AD, to the tanker war in the eighties of the last century, to the exchange of downing drones in 2019, and finally what happened between the United States The United States and Iran from the moment targeting (Qassem Soleimani), commander of the "Quds Force" on 1/3/2020, until the Iranian missile response and targeting of the American forces in the two "Ain al-Assad" bases in Anbar province, and the "Harir" base in Arbil province on 1/8/ 2020 AD, all of this falls within the context of (mutual accumulation strategy) between the two parties, without going to a comprehensive confrontation through war or a knockout, because the logic of war or comprehensive confrontation is outside the political and military mindsets of the two parties, and the meaning of all of this is that turmoil forms the basis of the relationship between the states The The United States and Iran, because the turmoil and the limited clash with it through mutual strikes, do not necessarily lead to an open clash.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-45
Author(s):  
Debasis Poddar

Since inception of the new-generation experiment in legal education with the National Law School of India University Bangalore (NLSIU), contemporary history of professional education rolls on toward excellence and the ordeal is on with the proliferation of similar institutional entrepreneurship. In the anxiety of competitive edge, few—too few—follow legacy of a model school in Bangalore; invented by N.R. Madhava Menon: the legacy vis-a-vis experiments with discipline, leadership, pedagogy, and the like. Minute prospect and consequence of (t)his model apart, Menon redefined the philosophy of professional education at NLSIU. What went spread over far and wide as trendsetter for the contemporary legal education is the letters of institutionalism, more so for ‘National’. Spirit of the NLSIU legacy but lies elsewhere. A practising lawyer-turned-educator, Madhava Menon has introduced a model to prepare well-baked product for the bench and the bar alike. At the same time, however, he brought in sense of social responsibility otherwise getting dwindled in the contemporary professional lifeworld. Not without reason that there is emphasis upon clinical legal education and legal aid clinic alike. In its essence, the author advances arguendo with the reasoning of his own, that pedagogy thereby initiated has had a teleological end to offer legal education en route to justice education; thereby spearhead progressive social transformation. The Menon Model is meant to raise human resource for professional service to the court and the people; instead of tertiary service to the market. After his model, the market ought to approach qualified professionals; not vice versa. The sooner such internal legacy of the (Menon) model earns appreciation is the better for prospect of professional education.


2009 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-329
Author(s):  
MARCI SHORE

AbstractThis article explores communism – including its pre-history and aftermath – as a generational history. The structure is diachronic and largely biographical. Attention is paid to the roles of milieu, the Second World War, generational cleavages and a Hegelian sense of time. Nineteen sixty-eight is a turning point, the moment when Marxism as belief was decoupled from communism as practice. The arrival of Soviet tanks in Prague meant a certain kind of end of European Marxism. It also meant the coming of age of a new generation: those born in the post-war years who were to play a large role in the opposition. The anti-communist opposition was organically connected to Marxism itself: the generation(s) of dissidents active in the 1970s and 1980s should be understood as a further chapter in the generational history of communism. Nineteen eight-nine was another moment of sharp generational rupture. The new post-communist generation, Havel's great hope, possessed the virtue of openness. Openness, however, proved a double-edged sword: as eastern Europe opened to the West, it also opened a Pandora's box. Perhaps today the most poignant generational question brought about by 1989 is not who has the right to claim authorship of the revolution, but rather who was old enough to be held responsible for the choices they made under the communist regime. There remains a division between those who have to account for their actions, and those who do not, between those who proved themselves opportunists, or cowards or heroes – and those who have clean hands by virtue of not having been tested.


2020 ◽  
Vol 82 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-158
Author(s):  
Gabriela Świtek

The aim of the essay is to delineate the political and artistic contexts of two exhibitions of graphic art from the Federal Republic of Germany held in the Central Bureau of Art Exhibitions, the main state art gallery in Warsaw (1956–1957). The historians consider the year 1956 – similarly to the years 1968 or 1989 – to be an important caesura in the political and social history on the global scale. In the history of modern art in Poland, the year 1956 is also perceived as a period crucial to changes in artistic life (Polish thaw). As the first show of West German artists in post-war Poland, the Exhibition of the Works of Graphic Artists from the Federal Republic of Germany opened in Warsaw on the same day when Nikita Khrushchev delivered his celebrated “Secret Speech” in Moscow (25 February 1956). The exhibition Poster Art in the Federal Republic of Germany was organized in 1957, after the events of the Polish October (1956). The idea to juxtapose art exhibitions with political events of their era follows contemporary reflections on the phenomenon of noncontemporaneity and on the heterogeneous nature of the visual time of art and exhibition histories.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-83
Author(s):  
Venkat Rao Pulla ◽  
Bharath Bhushan Mamidi

We share two observations based on what we have seen in India. First, that the hegemonic politics in India ushered in institutional and structural inequalities in their wake and second, that the political leadership continued to be aspirational irrespective of ideologies desiring to scale up in the hierarchy of global economic and political power. These two observations pertain to the contemporary history of five decades of development in India. As a result of the above two observations, we make a further two observations that for the Aām Aādmi (the common man), the political parties that sit in the government and their respective ideologies do not matter. And for the state and the political elites, the negative consequences such as marginalisation, exclusion and desperation of the common folks that emanate from the models chosen for development do not matter.   It is in such contexts, social activists argue for a legitimate space for the vying intersects of poverty, caste, class, occupations, habitats amidst such motivated globalisation. They also continue to raise difficult conversations around patriarchy, religious hierarchy, bonded labour, and the girl child.  One such social activist that was concerned about all the above issues was Swami Agnivesh.  He was not antigovernment, anti-democracy, anti-institutional, anti-hierarchy, anti-religious. He sought to restore a new and deeper meaning of freedom (democracy), a new meaning of hierarchy, social care, and even a new definition of spirituality that is social. He was a man who never stopped dreaming of humanising India. In this article, we reminisce about our association with Swami Agnivesh and attempt to espouse his thought based on our hearing, reading, and reflection.    Briefly, we present his life, achievements, and social activism, and more importantly, we attempt to interpret his conception of social spirituality and the ‘power of love’.


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