The government and poor relief in the early nineteenth century

1983 ◽  
pp. 235-258
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Poor Relief ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Government

American Church Music Composers of the Early Nineteenth Century

1933 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 139-151
Author(s):  
Robert G. McCutchan
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Church Music ◽  
Thomas Jefferson ◽  
War Of 1812 ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
John Adams ◽  
Meriwether Lewis ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Lewis And Clark

The first dozen years of the nineteenth century were momentous ones in the history of our country. Thomas Jefferson was elected President in 1800, and his inaugural in March of the next year marked the republicanization of the government. John Adams in 1801 signed the treaty with France that prevented another European war and led to the purchase of the Louisiana Territory in 1803. Late in the same year Meriwether Lewis went into camp with his subordinates at St. Louis preparatory to starting westward the following spring on the famous Lewis and Clark expedition. Events leading to the War of 1812 followed and the conflict settled disputed points that allowed this country to feel comparatively safe from European interference.

scholarly journals Reshaping the Gift Relationship

1991 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. J. D. Roberts
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Urban Society ◽  
Poor Relief ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Religious Ideology ◽  
Personal Concern ◽  
The Gift ◽  
Economic Ideology ◽  
Charity Organization

SUMMARYAs English urban society overhauled its systems of policing, poor relief and labour discipline in the early nineteenth century, one form of interaction between classes to become problematical was the act of giving to beggars. While economic ideology endorsed a more calculating approach to the relief of distress, social and religious ideology preached the necessity of expanded personal concern for the distressed. Among the commercial and professional middle classes a variety of volunteer activists attempted a solution to this dilemma by professionalizing relations between giver and receiver, thus anticipating the methods of later Victorian “charity organization” by a full half-century.

Gogol's ‘The Government Inspector’ at the National Theatre, 1985

1987 ◽  
Vol 3 (12) ◽  
pp. 358-376
Author(s):  
Mark Hawkins-Dady
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Graduate Student ◽  
Doctoral Dissertation ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
National Theatre ◽  
The Social ◽  
Close Observation ◽  
The Government

Although numbered among the earliest of masterpieces from the modern repertoire, Gogol'sThe Government Inspectorhas its roots deep in earlier Russian society, and much of its apparent humour is based on close observation of the gradations and prejudices of provincial Russian society in the early nineteenth century. In a detailed exploration of the revival in the National Theatre's Olivier auditorium, Mark Hawkins-Dady relates the play to its origins, suggesting that the director Richard Eyre stuck closely to the metaphorical truth, at least, of the social ambience selected by Gogol – and that the apparently eccentric casting of ‘alternative comedian’ Rik Mayall in the central role closely reflected Gogol's own feelings about the nature and playing of the character. Mark Hawkins-Dady is a graduate student in the Drama Department of Royal Holloway College. University of London, currently preparing a doctoral dissertation on directing practices at the National Theatre.

The Price of Offices in Pre-Revolutionary France

1984 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 831-860 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Doyle
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Early History ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
History Of ◽  
Local Courts ◽  
The Government

One of the most distinctive features of the French Ancien Régime was the sale of offices. Several European states resorted to this method of tapping the wealth of their richer subjects in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but nowhere did venality spread further through society than in France, and nowhere did its importance persist so long. Although the revolutionaries of 1789 abolished it, it reappeared for certain public functions in the early nineteenth century, and has not quite vanished even today. The origins and early history of the system have been authoritatively studied, but its eighteenth-century history has received very little attention. This is all the more curious in that France continued to be governed largely by holders of venal offices, they constituted the backbone of opposition to the government in the form of the magistrates of the parlements, and huge amounts of capital continued to be absorbed by office-buying. Even so, most historians consider that by this time the venal system was in decline. This seemed to be demonstrated by unsold offices remaining on the market, and above all by falling, office prices. For Alfred Cobban, indeed, these trends were symptoms of the decline of a whole class, the officiers. Here was ‘a section of society which was definitely not rising in wealth, and was barely holding its own in social status’ as falling office prices showed. ‘The decline seems to have been general, from the parlements downwards, though until the end of the eighteenth century it was much less marked in the offices of the parlements than in those of the présidiaux, élections, maréchaussées and other local courts.’ Resentment at this decline explained the revolutionary fervour of the officiers, whom Cobban had previously shown to be the largest bourgeois group in the National Assembly; and 1789 was largely the work not of a rising capitalist bourgeoisie, but rather of a declining professional one.

III. Parliamentary Radicals and the Reduction of Imperial Expenditure in British North America, 1827–1834

1968 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 446-461 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Burroughs
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
North America ◽  
Poor Relief ◽  
Napoleonic Wars ◽  
National Debt ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
British North America ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Modern Politics ◽  
Post War

Although retrenchment, with its overtones of efficiency and its implied attack on corruption, is a familiar watchword of modern politics, it is difficult today to appreciate the deep ethical and constitutional significance of the issue of economy during the early nineteenth century, or the strong hold which the concept exerted over the attitudes and actions of British politicians and administrators in the decades following the Napoleonic Wars. Twenty-three years of costly war with France had increased Britain's national debt from £228 million in 1793 to £876 million in 1815, and the laborious process of eliminating this deficit at the rate of a few millions a year by means of a sinking fund was aptly described as ‘the attempt of a wooden-legged man to catch a hare’. The propertied classes in the post-war period considered themselves excessively burdened with taxation, and until the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834 had been effectively put into operation, they were also called upon to meet the costs of an expensive and inefficient system of poor relief.

Healthcare for the Poor

2021 ◽  
pp. 99-127
Author(s):  
Gabriel J. Loiacono
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Rhode Island ◽  
Hard Work ◽  
Poor Relief ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Early American ◽  
Native Woman ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Newspaper Articles

Early American poor relief included extensive healthcare. Doctors’ visits, nurses’ care, and medicine could all be covered by poor relief. One nurse, called “One-Eyed” Sarah, healed poor residents of Providence, Rhode Island, in the very early nineteenth century. One of thousands of women, nationwide, who did the hard work of physically tending to their needy neighbors, Sarah’s work was highlighted in newspaper articles in 1811. Sarah was “Indian,” and her impoverished patients requested her by name. While her actual identity remains mysterious, this chapter explores what we can learn about a Native woman who nursed the poor back to health, while being paid by poor relief funds. Sarah’s life shows evidence of being controlled by overseers of the poor, as Cuff Roberts’s was. It also shows how she could use her experience to find income from overseers of the poor like William Larned.

The "Norwich Explosion" of 1817: A Local Tragedy of National Significance

2011 ◽  
pp. 245-258
Author(s):  
John Armstrong ◽  
David M. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Public Safety ◽  
Select Committee ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Laissez Faire ◽  
The Government ◽  
National Significance ◽  
Further Development

This chapter is a case study of the ‘Norwich Explosion’ of 1817, in which an engine boiler on the steamboat Telegraph exploded and caused several crew and passenger deaths. It seeks to distinguish why this tragedy took on considerably more national significance than other similar tragedies that incurred fatalities during the early nineteenth century. It also examines the setting up of a Select Committee on Steamboats following the explosion and how this forced the government to question whether or not they had a duty to intervene in the interests of public safety, or to continue to allow markets to operate freely. It then reviews the outcome of the enquiry and the reasons why the recommended reforms ultimately were not implemented. It concludes by suggesting that if reforms had occurred, further development of steam technology may have been hindered. It also suggests that the laissez-faire attitude of the government during the nineteenth century would have been significantly altered as a result.

Pandemonium and Order: Suretyship, Surveillance, and Taxation in Early Nineteenth-Century İstanbul

2008 ◽  
Vol 39 ◽  
pp. 167-189
Author(s):  
Nalan Turna
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Social Control ◽  
Institutional Development ◽  
Gradual Transition ◽  
Control Mechanisms ◽  
State Control ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The Government ◽  
Over Time

AbstractThis article analyzes the practice of suretyship (kefalet), surveillance and taxation in early nineteenth-century İstanbul. It deals with how the practice of suretyship functioned to achieve social control; it provided shelter for some but at the same time marginalized others with little or no social status. This article also analyzes the extent to which the state maintained order through suretyship. In this way, it intends to capture where and how state and society interacted through social and state control mechanisms. To this end, this article takes into consideration two particular events, the Greek uprising of 1821 and the abolition of the Janissary Corps in 1826, and demonstrates a growing tendency towards impersonal relations in terms of governmental practices of surveillance. Briefly, it illustrates how suretyship changed over time and how a gradual transition took place from personal to impersonal relations as well as within governmental practices. Furthermore, this article provides examples of similar practices by focusing on an institutional development that involved the government systematically accumulating knowledge about the population. Finally, it explores taxation practices by the government in order to. show how the pre-modern (contractual) and the modern (statutory) state were not substitutes for each other, but rather shaped each other.

scholarly journals Não somos selvagens: cultura política dos índios no Ceará (1799-1822) (We are not wild: Indian’s political culture in Ceará (1799-1822))

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (26) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
João Paulo Peixoto Costa
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Social Space ◽  
White Men ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

<p>O espaço social imaginado para os índios na América portuguesa, entre meados do século XVIII e início do XIX, os colocava em uma ambiguidade. Mesmo estando em situação de equidade com os brancos enquanto vassalos régios, eram caracterizados como ainda sujeitos a uma espécie de “menoridade moral”. Entre a construção da imagem dessa população associada à barbárie e a ação política dessas comunidades em suas povoações, chama atenção a procura constante dos índios em identificar-se enquanto súditos do rei e merecedores dos direitos que lhes eram garantidos e que bem conheciam. Diante desses conflitos, o objetivo é contrastar a imagem de “entregues à natureza” construída pelos governadores com a cultura política dos índios vilados no Ceará, omitida dos registros do governo, apesar de sua presença latente.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The social space imagined for the Indians in Portuguese America, between the mid-eighteenth century and early nineteenth century, put them in an ambiguity. Even though they are in a situation of equality with the white men known as vassals, were characterized as still subject to a kind of "moral minority". Between the construction of the image associated with this barbarism and the political action of these communities in their towns’ population, it points out the constant pursuit of the Indians in order to identify themselves as subjects of the king and deserving of rights that were guaranteed and that they knew well. Given these conflicts, the goal is to contrast the image of  “delivered to nature” which is built by the governors with the political culture of Indians in Ceará, that are omitted from the records of the government, despite its latent presence.</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>:<strong> </strong>Indians. Political culture. Ceará.</p>

Funkcje kontrolne parlamentów na ziemiach polskich w początkach XIX w.

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-158
Author(s):  
Piotr Miłosz Pilarczyk
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
The State ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

One of the aspects of the principle of separation of powers in the state is control of the executive by the legislature. As regards the Polish lands in the early nineteenth century, we can speak about Polish parliamentarism only in the Duchy of Warsaw, the Kingdom of Poland and the Republic of Cracow. Although these states did not recognize the principle of parliamentary accountability, their parliaments voiced criticism of the authorities and there occurred the problem of controlling the executive. Parliament of the Duchy of Warsaw tried to usurp this right itself. Parliament of the Kingdom of Poland claimed the right to charge a civil officer of the government with crimes committed while in office. In that state the ability to control emerged during the November Uprising. In the Republic of Cracow all attempts at obtaining the right of control encountered the objection on the part of three supervising neighbours (Russia, Prussia, and Austria).  

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