scholarly journals “Democracy and National Unity Day” in Turkey: the invention of a new national holiday

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Nadav Solomonovich

Abstract On the night of July 15, 2016, the Republic of Turkey experienced yet another military coup attempt. However, this attempt failed, mainly due to civilian protest and casualties. Their sacrifice, according to the Turkish state, led to the creation of a new national celebration in Turkey, the “Democracy and National Unity Day.” Following the growing interest of historians in the field of national celebrations, this paper examines the creation of this holiday. It argues that the AKP government used this new holiday to shape the Turkish collective national memory and to introduce a national celebration that does not revolve around the founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who symbolizes the secular camp in Turkey, but rather around the Justice and Development Party government and its more traditional and religious ideology, in the guise of celebrating Turkish democracy.

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 307
Author(s):  
Hasan Şehmuz Haştemoğlu ◽  
Engin Kepenek

The Mevlevism order was established in the Seljuk period in Anatolia in the thirteenth century. After the death of Mevlana Celaleddin-i Rumi, his son Sultan Veled systemized his father's thoughts and created his own rules and brought the rituals to a ceremony in the form of sema ceremonies. Sultan Veled gave the name “Mevlevism” to his sect and was called “Mevlevihan” to his Dervish Houses. Nearly 140 Mevlevihane building was established in a wide geography which its east is in Tabriz (Iran), west is in Pecu (Hungary), north is in Gözleve (Ukraine), South is in Cairo (Egypt) and Mecca in Saudi Arabia. Nearly 80 of these Dervish Houses remained in the Republic of Turkey. After the declaration of Turkish Republic, these Dervish Houses were closed in 1925 by the law of “closure Tekkes and Zaviyes”, no. 677. There are two kinds of Mevlevihan, which are “Asitane” and “Zaviye”. Mevlevihan called Asitane are the main Dergahs which are full-fledged and has removing “ordeal” possibilities. The number of Asitane constructions is around 15 in all Mevlevihan buildings. Another Mevlevihan building is Zaviye. Zaviye were ruled by Mevlevi, who has the title of “şeyh” and “dede”. Many of the Mevlevihan become a historical monument because of their architectural style and construction date. However, most of these structures have been ruined over the years. Apart from a small number of Mevlevihan, which was established as "Külliye", "Semahane" parts of these Mevlevihan were used as mosques and remained up to date. When the architectural programs of the Mevlevihans are examined, it is seen that the Mevlevihans, which were settled down in 13th century have an architectural program after the 16th century and they take Konya Mevlana Dergah as an example. However, it is not possible to mention about same sized and specified spaces in all the Mevlevihans. There are similar sections only in the large- scale Mevlevihans which are “Asitane” status. In this study, an evaluation and classification study was carried out on the architectural formation of the Mevlevihans one of the Dervish constructions in Islamic architecture which attracted attention with its wide geography.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (5) ◽  
pp. 773-793
Author(s):  
Ş. İlgü Özler ◽  
Brian K. Obach

The Republic of Turkey provides an opportunity to examine how aspects of national culture can foster sentiments contrary to environmental mobilization. Two deeply rooted cultural values embedded at the founding of the Turkish Republic, a commitment to developmentalism and a strong suspicion of foreign interference, have served to undermine the Turkish environmental movement. Calls for environmental protection are perceived by many as foreign-inspired efforts to inhibit economic development and keep Turkey subservient to more developed nations. In addition, the Turkish case reveals how cultural division can divert attention from issues such as environmental protection. The country is characterized by sharp social boundaries between secularists and more conservative Islamists. This profound cultural divide taints all attempts at issue-based mobilization, including that around environmental protection. An analysis of interview data from 50 environmental movement leaders and government officials demonstrates how deeply held cultural values and social division serve to undermine environmental mobilization.


Author(s):  
S. B. Druzhilovsky

The article examines the causes of the permanent political instability in the Turkish Republic, which leads to frequent change of governments, degradation of political parties and changing of policies. On the example of the activities of different cabinets it is showen that the basis of their instability is the frequent creation of coalition governments consisting of parties that stand on different ideological positions. Inter-party antagonism, in its turn, is a consequence of the split of the Turkish society along civilizational, ethnic and religious grounds, which determines the different political orientation of the various layers of the Turkish society. At the same time the article shows the examples of the undoubted efficiency of one-party governments, however they never get support from the opposition parties, and eventually also fail to effectively and consistently implement their proposed policies. The author also deals with a policy of the ruling today in Turkey, the Islamist Party of Justice and Development, which after several years of successful political and economic reforms to date entered the period of deep crisis and is increasingly losing its authority and influence both in Turkey and in neighboring countries.


Author(s):  
Nikolay P. Goroshkov

The article analyzes how the personality of the first president of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, is reflected in contemporary Turkish art. This year marks exactly 140 years since his birth. To his achievements in the military and political arenas, cultural figures have dedicated many works in the visual arts, architecture, literature and cinema.  The trace of the first president of the Republic of Turkey remained in the works of both his contemporaries and in the works of authors today. Creativity is multifaceted, inspiration has no boundaries, along with them, culture was freed from prohibitions with the beginning of a new page in the history of the country. Her achievements became available to more people, the opportunity to touch the spiritual life and create it opened up along with the reforms of Mustafa Kemal Pasha to wide layers of the population. Immortal works have preserved for posterity the image of the father of the Turkish nation, and a characteristic feature of these works is the author's personal admiration for the deeds of Gazi. This undoubtedly leaves its mark on the work and the way in which a person is shown in the context of history, who took fate and the entire people into his own hands, mired in political, economic, cultural crises. But before giving an answer to the question "Who are you, Father of the Turks?", it is important, in our opinion, briefly to draw attention to the historical retrospective of the development of Turkish culture under the influence of the policy of two states that appeared, flourished and fell into decay on the peninsula of Asia Minor. The article briefly examines some of the features of the cultural policy of the last years of the Ottoman Empire and the first years of the republic.


2020 ◽  
pp. 55-70
Author(s):  
Александр Михайлович Солнцев

В июле 2020 г. после соответствующего решения турецкого суда президент страны принял указ о закрытии музея в здании храма Святой Софии и открытии в нем мечети. 916 лет этот храм был христианским, в течение 481 г. - мусульманским, а последние 86 лет - это был музей. Он находится в списке всемирного наследия ЮНЕСКО. В статье предпринимается анализ данных действий Турции с точки зрения международного права и Конституции Турецкой Республики. В то время как принцип секуляризации, зафиксированный в турецкой Конституции, сделал возможным доступ к собору Святой Софии на равных условиях для людей всех вероисповеданий и нерелигиозных лиц, нынешний регресс в отношении имплементации секуляризма в Турции вызывает обеспокоенность и говорит о нарушении международных обязательств, в том числе положений международных договоров, ратифицированных Турецкой Республикой, а именно: Конвенции ЮНЕСКО об охране всемирного культурного и природного наследия 1972 г.; Европейской Конвенции о защите прав человека и основных свобод 1950 г. и Международного пакта об экономических, социальных и культурных правах 1966 г. Статья подготовлена при финансовой поддержке РФФИ в рамках научного проекта № 18-011-00292. In July 2020, following the relevant decision of the Turkish court, the President of the country adopted a decree to close the museum in the building of the Hagia Sophia and open a mosque in it. For 916 years this temple was Christian, during 481 it was Muslim, and for the last 86 years it has been a museum. It is on the UNESCO World Heritage List. The article analyzes these actions of Turkey from the point of view of international law and the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey. While the secularization of the Turkish Republic has made it possible for people of all faiths and non-religious persons to access Hagia Sophia on equal terms, the current regression regarding the implementation of secularism in Turkey raises concerns and speaks of a violation of international obligations, including the provisions of international treaties ratified The Republic of Turkey, namely: the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage of 1972; The European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of 1950 and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966. The article was prepared with the financial support of the Russian Foundation for Basic Research within the framework of scientific project № 18-011-00292.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 650-653
Author(s):  
Rustam Izmaylov ◽  
Anastasia Blagoveshchenskaya ◽  
Nikita Kuvshinov ◽  
Inna Imamovna Sokolova

Purpose: The article deals with the politics of the Kemalists in the Republic of Turkey in the 1920s - 1930s, as well as the ways of indoctrination of the main political principles of this ideology. During this period, Turkey, under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, began radical changes affecting all spheres of society. Methodology: The research given is based on the principles of science, historicism, and impartiality; moreover, historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-systematic methods of historical research are used. Result: Having declared itself a secular state, focusing on the European level of development of those times, the Republican Turkey at the same time created its own system of national education, culture, language, ideology. This was facilitated by quite radical, largely authoritarian transformations. However, it is worth noting that the goal of the reforms was not widespread westernization of society, but the creation of a national Turkish state. Applications: This research can be used for the universities, teachers, and students. Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of Cinematography as an element of the ideological system of Kemalism is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.


2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 65-73
Author(s):  
Aliya Shukan ◽  
Aitugan Abdizhami ◽  
Gulnar Ospanova ◽  
Dana Abdakimova

The problem of cybercrime is a problem not only of domestic character but also of the whole world. Therefore, we decided to consider the experience of other countries in combating cybercrime. The article discusses the policy issues of the Turkish Republic in the field of combating the cybercrime. And also it was considered the experience of the police organizations work in this field in Turkey. The article analyzed the legislative framework of the Turkish Republic on the fight against cybercrime. The history of the development of police organizations and their work in this area was investigated and described in detail. The article also contains information about the policy of continuous education of employees on the fight against cybercrime and there was shown a scheme of work in the field of education. According to the results of the study we can confidently say that Turkey is currently doing effective work in combating cybercrime. The experience in this field can be used in the CIS countries and other countries to effectively combat crime in the field of information technology


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 692-695
Author(s):  
Rustam Izmaylov ◽  
Albina Imamutdinova ◽  
Marina Mefodeva

Purpose: The article deals with the Kemalists' policy of secularization and the inclusion of the laicism principle in the ideological doctrine of the Turkish Republic in the 1920-30s. Methodology: Historical-genetic, historical-comparative and historical-system methods of research were underlain the given study. Result: Under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk great radical transformations in all spheres of life of the former Ottoman Empire began, namely the state system, the reform of the school and its separation from religion. All these transformations summed up the previous history of Turkey as a dependent, semi-colonial feudal state, clearing the way to modernization and renewal of all aspects of life. Applications: This research can be used for universities, teachers, and students. Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of Laicism in the Republic of Turkey in the 1920-1930s is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.


Poligrafi ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 5-29
Author(s):  
Anna Maria Beylunioglu ◽  
Özgür Kaymak

The relationship between state and non-Muslim communities has been a delicate issue since the founding of the Turkish Republic despite the principle of secularism stated in its constitution. Against this background, the association of national identity with Sunni-Islam has been the main marker of inclusion/exclusion to the national identity. Especially since 2002 when the Justice and Development Party (JDP) came to power, the debates with regard to freedom of religion and the rights of religious minorities came to fore. Over the course of decades there have been numerous studies approaching the state’s perspective towards religious minorities. However, there are still scarce amount of academic studies that focuses on citizenship experiences of the members of these communities in their daily and social life practices. In this article, we first provide a historical perspective of the state towards religious minorities from the establishment of the Republic until today including the JDP period. In the second part of this study we aim to explore recasting perspectives of the non-Muslim minorities over the previous decade by taking the standpoint of the members of Greek Orthodox, Jews and Armenian communities. To this end, we conduct in-depth interviews with the members of these communities who are residing in Istanbul. Finally, new negotiation fields which have been flourishing among these communities will be addressed.


Lyuboslovie ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 118-133
Author(s):  
Petya Pavlova ◽  

One of the most crucial years in the dispute over the island of Cyprus is 1974. On July 15, the Cypriot army staged a military coup in the country, actively supported by Greece's ruling military junta. These actions еnable the Republic of Turkey, being one of the countries-guarantees to the Zurich-London Agreement, to undertake a military offensive to the island of Cyprus on the pretext that it should maintain the status quo. As a result only a few days later, the Turkish army occupies 36,2 % of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus and never left the island. Thousands of the citizens of Cyprus lost their relatives and loved ones, their livelihoods and homes, as Turkey acquired yet another advantage over the Cypriot Greeks and Greece on the so called „Cyprus dispute“.


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