scholarly journals The Perception of Minorities toward the Turkish State: The Case of Ethno-religious Communities

Poligrafi ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 5-29
Author(s):  
Anna Maria Beylunioglu ◽  
Özgür Kaymak

The relationship between state and non-Muslim communities has been a delicate issue since the founding of the Turkish Republic despite the principle of secularism stated in its constitution. Against this background, the association of national identity with Sunni-Islam has been the main marker of inclusion/exclusion to the national identity. Especially since 2002 when the Justice and Development Party (JDP) came to power, the debates with regard to freedom of religion and the rights of religious minorities came to fore. Over the course of decades there have been numerous studies approaching the state’s perspective towards religious minorities. However, there are still scarce amount of academic studies that focuses on citizenship experiences of the members of these communities in their daily and social life practices. In this article, we first provide a historical perspective of the state towards religious minorities from the establishment of the Republic until today including the JDP period. In the second part of this study we aim to explore recasting perspectives of the non-Muslim minorities over the previous decade by taking the standpoint of the members of Greek Orthodox, Jews and Armenian communities. To this end, we conduct in-depth interviews with the members of these communities who are residing in Istanbul. Finally, new negotiation fields which have been flourishing among these communities will be addressed.

Author(s):  
Ekaterina Yu. Talalaeva ◽  
◽  

The article analyzes potential and real threats to the national security of the Scandinavian countries from Muslim segregated communities of immigrants who form “parallel” societies on the territory of Denmark, Sweden and Norway. Based on the commonality of the historical development, the economic system and the sociopolitical structure of the states in this geopolitical region, the research identifies general trends in the formation of a confessional parallel society and the modern political immigration strategy in Northern Europe. The study of social and political discourse and officially published documents on the problem of “parallel” societies makes it possible to assess the effectiveness of actions taken by state structures to ensure the full integration of isolated Muslim communities in the majority society. The reports of ministries and internal law enforcement agencies in the states of Northern Europe deserve special attention against the background of the widespread exploitation of the problems of Muslim parallel communities in the media and sociopolitical debates that escalate social tension in the Scandinavian countries. Despite the fact that the official reports emphasize the undeniable relevance of this problem, they exclude the possibility of escalating the current situation into a threat of national or international scale since the police keep these territories under control. However, the lack of successful integration policies of Denmark, Sweden and Norway regarding ethno-religious minorities significantly complicates the legal regulation of cultural, religious and ethnic diversity within their national borders. This situation leads to the formation of “vulnerable residential areas” with a high degree of crime against the background of a low socioeconomic standard of living. The population of such areas mainly consists of non-Western immigrants practicing Islam. Discrimination of the rights of ethno-religious minorities in democratic countries to a large extent determines the tendency to the segregation of Muslim communities from the majority society on the basis of their own cultural and religious order, which subsequently may lead to religious radicalization. Despite the positive measures taken by the governments of Denmark, Sweden and Norway to integrate Muslim minorities into the majority society, the prevailing inefficiency of the existing immigration policy in the context of the continuous expansion of cultural, religious and ethnic diversity among the population of the Scandinavian countries is stated. Moreover, the main reason for the emergence of a confessional parallel society as a modern social phenomenon lies in the practical absence of state structures and public institutions capable to ensure full integration of all citizens into a united society.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 396-406
Author(s):  
Sait Çetinoğlu

This article focuses on a specific component of the expropriation of property from non-Muslim minorities that began the Armenian Genocide and similar expropriations from Greeks, the long period of dispossession of the property of non-Muslim foundations resulting from use of the 1936 requirement that all non-Muslim foundations provide the government a list of their immovable properties and go through a complex permitting process regarding property acquisition. This has been an important part of the capital accumulation process in the Turkish Republic for decades. The confiscations beginning in the late 1960s constitute a continuous breach due to the fact that these properties have never been returned to their owners. As result, these claims for the return of such property could be taken to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR).


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 09-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yahya Akyüz

It is important to study and find out the transformations in education during the transition from the last periods of the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic. Education was not only contributing to the still lifestyle of the Ottoman society until the end of the 18th century, but it was also affected by that lifestyle. The most common educational institutes of the period were elementary schools and madrassas. In Ottomans, the function of education as a transformer of the society was preceded by the education itself being transformed. In this process, the military and political events had been influential. To this end, starting with 1776, first the military schools were started to be opened. Until the period which commenced with the proclamation of the Tanzimat in 1839, the view in the Ottoman society toward the child, youngster and their education had a feature of being religious and traditional. For example, in Sultan Mahmut the Second's edict which made elementary education mandatory, the reason to make elementary education mandatory was cited as children's need to first learn their religion. In the Tanzimat (Reformation) period which started in 1839, the views that see the families' and the state's educational duties as only religious and traditional started to weaken, and these duties were started to be considered from the aspect of their responsibility toward children and the society. This development was rooted on several statesmen's, authors' and educationists' self-criticism and recognition of societies' lack of knowledge and having stayed backward, and seeing this traditional view of education as a primary reason for the state's decline. From the political aspect, in this period, the ideal of being "Ottoman" was attempted to be infused in children and youngsters of the day. This was to be achieved in schools. Namık Kemal's following thoughts in this topic are of utmost importance: "If children from various races and ethnicities are educated together in schools, in time, the desired fusion of peoples in the nation can be achieved. This may be resembled to the impossibility of separating out trees whose saplings have grown together embracing each other..." A very important transformation toward children and teenagers in the pre-republic period was seen in the second Mesrutiyet period which started in 1908. The central aspect of this transformation, which was especially caused by defeat in the Balkan Wars in 1912-1913, was: The defeat of the Ottomans against smaller Balkan countries was attributed to the prevalent ignorance in the Ottoman society and the high value placed at being civil servants for the state. According to the intellectuals who violently criticized the society as well as themselves, education should stop pursuing the goal of developing civil servants; it should instead focus on science, art, technology, trade ... and produce specialists and entrepreneurs who can be successful in these areas. However, as a result of wars and social tragedies in this period new regulations in education could not be realized. Despite this, the second Mesrutiyet period, due to various ideological discussions and arguments became a laboratory for the Republic era. Since the Ottomans, some state administrators have been very influential in transformations in education as well as transformations in society through education. The foremost of these is Atatürk. Having spent his entire educational life in the last period of the Ottoman Empire, he keenly observed the educational roots of the collapse of the Ottoman state. Atatürk attributed this collapse primarily to the education system which trained non-nationalistic, passive individuals, and that which did not aim to develop knowledge and behaviors necessary for life. He desired the Republic to have a completely different system of education and he gave the responsibility of upbringing virtuous, hardworking, active, nationalistic generations to the teachers. He wanted education to be national as well as scientific. With the Unification of Education Law in 1924, revolution of the alphabet in 1928, and revolutions of mixed education and women's rights in those years, very significant transformations transpired in both educational and social life. Atatürk also set a goal for all of us to advance our nation to a level above the western civilization.


Author(s):  
Perihan Korkut

The Turkish Republic is a young one. Established in 1923, it has gone through many social and political transformations, which have inevitably had an influence on how science and art are perceived. The Republic inherited from the Ottoman Empire a performative art tradition which had its roots in three distinct types of theatre: village shows; folk theatre played in town centres; and court theatre, which was based on “western” theatrical traditions. Considering the geographical location of Turkey, the term “West” signified the more advanced and civilized countries of the time, most of which were located in Europe. Having recently emerged from a tragic war, Turkey’s most urgent aim was to be on a par with these western countries in terms of science and arts. Therefore, western theatre, rather than the traditional forms, was promoted by the government (Karacabey 1995). As a result of this emphasis on western forms of theatre, many translated and adapted works were performed in theatres. In fact, even today, nearly half of the plays put on stage by Turkish state theatres are translated works. The following sections describe some examples from traditional and western forms of Turkish theatre. Fig. 1: http://aregem.kulturturizm.gov.tr/Resim/126102,ari-oyunu-yozgat-akdagmadeni-bulgurlu-koyu.png?0 These are short plays performed ...


Author(s):  
A. Boiko

The question of European integration of Turkish Republic is considered as one of the central issues in the sphere of the history of international relations. The origins of this problem should be sought in the processes that have shaped the modern Turkish state, that being the rule of the first President of the Republic. With the government headed by R. Erdogan taking a grip of power in 2002, Turkey has fully revised its foreign policy. In particular, it intensified efforts to integrate the state to the EU. However, these intentions could not be realized due to a number of reasons. The article considers cultural-civilization influence on the formation of the foreign policy of Turkish Republic in the sphere of European integration, formation and evolution of the views of the Turkish government on the idea of state "Westernization". It devotes main attention to the views of Ahmet Davutoglu and his strategy of Turkish foreign policy. The article also researches his views on the influence of the eastern cultural and civilizational values and religion on the international position of the Eastern countries and, in particular, on their relations with European countries. Moreover, the research provides an attempt to analyze the cultural-civilizational differences as a factor of preventing Turkey from entering the European Union.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Nadav Solomonovich

Abstract On the night of July 15, 2016, the Republic of Turkey experienced yet another military coup attempt. However, this attempt failed, mainly due to civilian protest and casualties. Their sacrifice, according to the Turkish state, led to the creation of a new national celebration in Turkey, the “Democracy and National Unity Day.” Following the growing interest of historians in the field of national celebrations, this paper examines the creation of this holiday. It argues that the AKP government used this new holiday to shape the Turkish collective national memory and to introduce a national celebration that does not revolve around the founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who symbolizes the secular camp in Turkey, but rather around the Justice and Development Party government and its more traditional and religious ideology, in the guise of celebrating Turkish democracy.


Author(s):  
Nasar Meer

The purpose of this chapter is to locate the discussion about Muslims in Scotland in relation to questions of national identity and multicultural citizenship. While the former has certainly been a prominent feature of public and policy debate, the latter has largely been overshadowed by constitutional questions raised by devolution and the referenda on independence. This means that, while we have undoubtedly progressed since MacEwen (1980) characterised the treatment of ‘race-relations’ in Scotland as a matter either of ‘ignorance or apathy’, the issue of where ethnic, racial and religious minorities rest in the contemporary landscape remains unsettled. One of the core arguments of this chapter is that these issues are all interrelated, and that the present and future status of Muslims in Scotland is tied up with wider debates about the ‘national question’. Hitherto, however, study of national identity in Scotland has often (though not always) been discussed in relation to the national identities of England, Wales and Britain as a whole.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Laurence

This book traces how governments across Western Europe have responded to the growing presence of Muslim immigrants in their countries over the past fifty years. Drawing on hundreds of in-depth interviews with government officials and religious leaders in France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Morocco, and Turkey, the book challenges the widespread notion that Europe's Muslim minorities represent a threat to liberal democracy. The book documents how European governments in the 1970s and 1980s excluded Islam from domestic institutions, instead inviting foreign powers like Saudi Arabia, Algeria, and Turkey to oversee the practice of Islam among immigrants in European host societies. But since the 1990s, amid rising integration problems and fears about terrorism, governments have aggressively stepped up efforts to reach out to their Muslim communities and incorporate them into the institutional, political, and cultural fabrics of European democracy. The book places these efforts—particularly the government-led creation of Islamic councils—within a broader theoretical context and gleans insights from government interactions with groups such as trade unions and Jewish communities at previous critical junctures in European state-building. By examining how state–mosque relations in Europe are linked to the ongoing struggle for religious and political authority in the Muslim-majority world, the book sheds light on the geopolitical implications of a religious minority's transition from outsiders to citizens. This book offers a much-needed reassessment that foresees the continuing integration of Muslims into European civil society and politics in the coming decades.


1991 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-316
Author(s):  
R. Hrair Dekmejian

Most of the world’s Muslims reside in countries where they are numericallypredominant. As such, these Muslims possess a majoritarian outlook in sharpcontrast to the perspective of minority Muslims living in India, China, theUSSR, and some Western countries. In recent years, Muslim minorities havefound themselves at the confluence of diverse social forces and politicaldevelopments which have heightened their sense of communal identity andapprehension vish-vis non-Muslim majorities. This has been particularlytrue of the crisis besetting the Indian Muslims in 1990-91 as well as the newlyformed Muslim communities in Western Europe.The foregoing circumstances have highlighted the need for serious researchon Muslim minorities within a comparative framework. What follows is apreliminary outline of a research framework for a comparative study of Muslimminorities using the Indian Muslims as an illustrative case.The Salience of TraditionOne of the most significant transnational phenomena in the four decadessince mid-century has been the revival of communal consciousness amongminorities in a large number of countries throughout the world. This tendencytoward cultural regeneration has been noted among such diverse ethnic groupsas Afro-Americans, French Canadians, Palestinian Arabs, the Scots of GreatBritain, Soviet minorities, and native Americans. A common tendency amongthese groups is to reach back to their cultural traditions and to explore thoseroots which have served as the historical anchors of their present communalexistence. Significantly, this quest for tradition has had a salutary impactupon the lives of these communities, for it has reinforced their collectiveand individual identities and has enabled them to confront the multipledifficulties of modem life more effectively. By according its members a sense ...


Ethnicities ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146879682199990
Author(s):  
Sagnik Dutta

This article is an ethnographic exploration of a women’s sharia court in Mumbai, a part of a network of such courts run by women qazi (Islamic judges) established across India by members of an Islamic feminist movement called the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (Indian Muslim Women’s Movement). Building upon observations of adjudication, counselling, and mediation offered in cases of divorce and maintenance by the woman qazi (judge), and the claims made by women litigants on the court, this article explores the imaginaries of the heterosexual family and gendered kinship roles that constitute the everyday social life of Islamic feminism. I show how the heterosexual family is conceptualised as a fragile and violent institution, and divorce is considered an escape route from the same. I also trace how gendered kinship roles in the heterosexual conjugal family are overturned as men fail in their conventional roles as providers and women become breadwinners in the family. In tracing the range of negotiations around the gendered family, I argue that the social life of Islamic feminism eludes the discourses and categories of statist legal reform. I contribute to existing scholarship on Islamic feminism by exploring the tension between the institutionalist and everyday aspects of Islamic feminist movements, and by exploring the range of kinship negotiations around the gendered family that take place in the shadow of the rhetoric of ‘law reform’ for Muslim communities in India.


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