Decomposing the source of the gender gap in legislative committee service: evidence from US states

Author(s):  
Julia Payson ◽  
Alexander Fouirnaies ◽  
Andrew B. Hall

Abstract Extensive research on gender and politics indicates that women legislators are more likely to serve on committees and sponsor bills related to so-called “women's issues.” However, it remains unclear whether this empirical regularity is driven by district preferences, differences in legislator backgrounds, or because gendered political processes shape and constrain the choices available to women once they are elected. We introduce expansive new data on over 25,000 US state legislators and an empirical strategy to causally isolate the different channels that might explain these gendered differences in legislator behavior. After accounting for district preferences with a difference-in-differences design and for candidate backgrounds via campaign fundraising data, we find that women are still more likely to serve on women's issues committees, although the gender gap in bill sponsorship decreases. These results shed new light on the mechanisms that lead men and women to focus on different policy areas as legislators.

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 492-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarina Rhinehart

This experiment sent state legislators an email from an individual seeking advice on running for office, varying the gender and party of the sender. This project explores two inquiries—who the legislators choose to respond to and how the legislators’ own gender and partisan identities shape that decision. I theorize that women in politics is a salient issue for legislators; therefore, they will be more willing to advise politically ambitious women. Overall, I find that legislators are more willing to offer help when the aspirant is a woman and of the same party. When primed to further consider women in politics, legislators are more likely to offer gender-specific advice. Democrats rather than women legislators drive this heightened responsiveness to the woman aspirant. These findings highlight what role public officials can play in closing the candidate gender gap, and how legislators’ multiple identities intersect and frame their decisions to aid political aspirants.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariela Szwarcberg

This paper examines the persistent gender gap in electoral politics at the local level in Buenos Aires, Argentina. I argue that the combination of the division of political work and existing social norms regarding the separation of domestic chores contributes to women's political underrepresentation at the local level. Studying everyday politics in Buenos Aires, a clear division of political work between men and women was found. Only women were in charge of finding solutions to issues of domestic abuse and violence, and of taking care of children, the pregnant, and senior citizens. Using information from Buenos Aires municipalities, I document the gender gap in elected legislative and executive offices at the local level – as well as in non-elected offices within municipal cabinets. It was also found that the types of political work assigned to female activists and candidates reinforce existing stereotypes of women as mothers of the poor.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2110134
Author(s):  
Mary Kate Lizotte ◽  
Tony E. Carey

There is little research examining the gender gap in public opinion among Americans of African descent. Amid emerging evidence that Black men are more conservative than Black women, there is reason to believe there may be gender differences in their policy preferences. We use the 1980-2016 cumulative ANES data to observe when racial and gender considerations will be more salient for Black women in determining their policy preferences. We find no gender gap on race-based policies suggesting racial group interests may be driving similar support among Black men and women. We do find gender differences on women’s issues and social welfare policies. We attribute Black women’s support for women’s issues to their gendered interests and demonstrate the gap in social welfare attitudes is mediated by their lower economic status relative to Black men. Despite these differences, we discover that Black men and women support race-oriented and social welfare policies more than either white men or women.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 249
Author(s):  
Anna Xheka

Women’s entrepreneurship is a powerful source, regarding to the women’s economic independence and empowerment, as well as regarding employment generation, economic growth and innovation, development and the reduction of poverty as well as one of the terms of gender equality. This poster presents the situation of women's entrepreneurship in Europe in comparative terms, with special focus in Albania. The paper has a descriptive nature. Describes three different plans in comparative terms; the representation of men and women in entrepreneurship, the representation of women in entrepreneurship in different countries of Europe and of Europe as a whole, as well as compare to gender quota. Through the processing of secondary data from various reports and studies, this poster concludes that although that the gender equality goal is the equal participation of men and women in all sectors, including the entrepreneurship, in this sector, gender gap it is still deep. Another significant comparative aspect, it is the difference between full and part –time women entrepreneurship. While in full time entrepreneurship in a convince way, men are those that dominate, in part time entrepreneurship clearly it’s evident the opposite trend, women's representation is much higher. It’s very interesting the fact, that the women’s entrepreneurship in Albania, presented in a significant optimistic situation, ranking in the second place, after Greece in the European level


2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Praino ◽  
Daniel Stockemer

Various studies have outlined the institutional (e.g. the existence of quota laws and the electoral system type of a country) and non-institutional factors (e.g. the political culture of a country) that account for variation in women’s representation, in general, and, in more detail, the low representation of women in the US Congress. However, no study has, so far, compared the Congressional career paths of men and women in order to understand whether this gender gap in representation stems from a difference in terms of the duration and importance of the careers of male and female policymakers. Using data on all US House elections between 1972 and 2012, we provide such an analysis, evaluating whether or not the political careers of women in the US House of Representatives are different from the political careers of their male counterparts. Our findings indicate that the congressional careers of men and women are alike and, if anything, women may even have a small edge over their male colleagues.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 253
Author(s):  
Nurdeni Dahri

Biological differences between men and women have in the implementation of social and cultural life. There has been a gender gap due to the multiplicity of interpretations of the notion of gender itself. In-depth research is needed to determine the cause of the gap, let alone Islam declared the doctrine that leads to gender bias. Based on the discussion in this paper is declared Gender division of roles and responsibilities between women and men as a result of socio-cultural construction of society, which can be changed according to the demands of the changing times. While sex (gender: male and female) are not changed and the nature of God. In the teachings of Islam there is no difference between women and men in all its aspects, distinguishing only charity and piety


2021 ◽  
pp. 51-65
Author(s):  
María Luisa Palma-Martos ◽  
Manuel Cuadrado-García ◽  
Juan D. Montoro-Pons

AbstractSome music genres have traditionally and mainly been consumed by men. This is the case of rap/hip-hop. However, data on the consumption of this genre in recent years shows a relevant increase in the number of women interested in this type of music. It would therefore seem to be pertinent to analyse this new trend, not only as a question linked to gender studies but also to marketing decision-making for the music industry, which is struggling to attract new audiences, a factor compounded in the pandemic. To frame this analysis, literature on music consumption, specifically in relation to gender and rap as an alternative music genre, has been reviewed from different approaches. An exploratory survey was conducted to obtain an insight into rap/hip-hop consumption and appreciation by gender. Results show that rap concert attendees’ satisfaction and interest in this kind of music are high, irrespective of gender. Only knowledge, which has not been as extensively studied, seems to be different between men and women, with this factor being slightly higher for the former. In addition, the identification of three clusters (involved, apathetic and hedonists), including both women and men, leads us to suggest that the gender gap in rap/hip-hop consumption is closing.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 200
Author(s):  
Retno Daru Dewi G.S. Putri

Descartes’ dualism of mind and body implies relationship of mind and body in the articulation of human thinking. While seemingly reflects both men and women, this concept of dualism has in practice changed due to the existing social construction that differentiate human based on their sex. The ongoing social discrimination against women implies philosophy’s deficiency in addressing human universal issues. In addressing this issue, this research emplyos Merleau-Ponty’s notion of embodied perception and Beauvoir’s conception on ambiguity to argue on the importance of women’s body freedom in understanding the world’s phenomenons around them. The application of these concepts is proposed to provide an independent mode of becoming a woman and to offer a philosophical solution for women’s issues.


Author(s):  
Aart-Jan Riekhoff ◽  
Oxana Krutova ◽  
Jouko Nätti

In this article, we investigate changes in usual working hours and part-time work in Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden in recent decades. We analyze whether convergence or divergence occurred between countries, between men and women, and between men and women in each country. We use annual data from the European Labor Force Survey to identify trends between 1996 and 2016 (N = 730,133), while controlling for a set of structural factors. The findings suggest a degree of divergence between countries: usual working hours and the incidence of part-time work were relatively stable in Finland and Sweden, while working hours decreased in Denmark and Norway. The latter is partly driven by a decline among the 15–29 age group. The gender gap in working hours and part-time work was closed somewhat, in particular due to a rise in part-time work among men and a decline among women in Norway and Sweden.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig McAngus ◽  
Kirstein Rummery

The 2014 Scottish independence referendum campaign saw a surge of campaigning activity from groups on both sides of the debate. The mainstream elements of the campaign were criticised for not bringing enough attention to women's issues, and so Women For Independence (WFI) and Women Together (WT) were created in order to try and alleviate these concerns. This paper aims to compare the two organisations to ascertain whether or not they can be classified as part of wider social movements. Utilising data from the Scottish Political Archive at the University of Stirling, as well as face-to-face interviews and email conversations with activists from both groups, this paper explores the organisational structures and framing strategies of the two groups, as well as the opportunities and constraints they faced when it came to achieving their goals. Whilst WFI can be classified as a Social Movement Organisation operating within both the pro-independence and women's movements, WT cannot be classified in this way and simply existed as a useful campaigning label during the independence referendum. WFI still continues to exist as a healthy, autonomous entity that, should a second independence referendum be called, will be in a strong position to campaign for the female vote and overturn the persistent gender gap that exists in support for Scottish independence.


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