Wage Arrears and Economic Voting in Russia

2006 ◽  
Vol 100 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
KASPAR RICHTER

This paper revisits the issue of economic voting in the context of the 1996 Presidential Election in Russia. The election was branded as a fundamental choice between capitalism and communism, yet voters were also grappling with a large crisis of personal finances: about one in two workers experienced nonpayments of wages at the time of the elections. The analysis exploits a rich nationally representative household panel dataset to identify the impact of wage arrears on the second-round election outcome. Wage arrears reduced the vote for the incumbent President Yeltsin among workers from around 65% to 49%, which amounts to a drop of 4% in the Yeltsin vote in the second round. Support for Yeltsin vote declined with the amount of wage arrears at the time of the vote and with wage arrears in 1995. Wage arrears led more voters to believe the government to be noncaring and to favor income restrictions for the rich. Political attitudes of working men changed more than those of working women.

1986 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Lautenschlager

The Iranian economy under the Islamic Republic has been strongly influenced by factors which lie for the most part outside the Iranian government's control, in particular lower oil sales due to the Iraqi attack and to the world-wide oil glut. One should not underestimate, however, the impact of the policies which have traditionally most concerned economists, namely, the government budget and monetary matters. The major thesis of this article is that the Islamic Republic's economy has been heavily influenced by an overvalued exchange rate which has: (a) forced reductions in government development spending; (b) fueled inflation as the government printed money to finance its deficit; (c) worsened the imbalance in foreign trade by encouraging imports and discouraging non-oil exports; (d) subsidized the consumption of imported goods, primarily benefiting the urban population, especially the rich; (e) distorted the allocation of resources in favor of commerce at the expense of production; and (f) benefited well-to-do merchants at the expense of poorer farmers and artisans.


Author(s):  
Ryan E. Carlin ◽  
Timothy Hellwig ◽  
Gregory J. Love ◽  
Cecilia Martínez-Gallardo ◽  
Matthew M. Singer

Abstract A robust economy is assumed to bolster leaders' standing. This ignores how benefits of growth are distributed. Extending the partisan models of economic voting, we theorize executives are more likely rewarded when gains from growth go to their constituents. Analyses of presidential approval in 18 Latin American countries support our pro-constituency model of accountability. When economic inequality is high, growth concentrates among the rich, and approval of right-of-center presidents is higher. Leftist presidents benefit from growth when gains are more equally distributed. Further analyses show growth and inequality inform perceptions of personal finances differently based on wealth, providing a micro-mechanism behind the aggregate findings. Study results imply that the economy is not purely a valence issue, but also a position issue.


Significance Albeit expected, that defeat has widened divisions within its centre-left coalition and between the administration and its political parties. The election results put the centre-right opposition in the pole position to win the next presidential election in November 2017. Impacts The impact of the election outcome on the mood in government parties far exceeds the actual size of their defeat. High abstention is a criticism of both main coalitions and suggests potentially fertile ground for populism. Without consistent support from its own parties, it will be difficult for the government to pass promised reforms.


2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaclyn S. Piatak

The United States saw mass layoffs and unemployment during the Great Recession, where jobs have been slow to recover especially in the government sector. Research on cutback management became widespread in the late 1970s into the 1980s and several researchers have called for attention to be reignited to determine what lessons can be applied to the Great Recession and beyond. However, little attention is paid to the influence of cutbacks on employees. How do layoffs impact public personnel? Using nationally representative employment data, this study examines sector differences in job loss, advance notice, job mobility, and sector switching. In addition to distinctions across job sectors, differences within the government sector across federal, state, and local employees are explored. Findings raise several questions for research and practice regarding the ability to recover staff in a timely manner, the diversity of the organization, and the capacity to cope with future crises.


Author(s):  
Ling-Meng Chan ◽  
Chia-Guan Keh ◽  
Siu-Eng Tang ◽  
Yan-Teng Tan ◽  
Ying-Yin Koay

“Tax the rich, subsidise the poor” is deemed one of the typical finance characteristics of democracy and a solution in reducing income inequality. The Malaysian government has also adopted this strategy in its income redistribution policy. Evidently, this strategy can minimise the income gaps at the country level. However, it is doubtful if it can be effectively done at the individual level. The rich have to pay more while the poor can enjoy the ‘free’ income. Would that lead to financial satisfaction? Hence, the main objective of this study was to investigate the impact of individual perceptions on the government’s democratic act in implementing "tax the rich, subsidise the poor" policy for financial satisfaction among Malaysians. For an empirical analysis, this paper discusses the study conducted which used the sixth wave of the World Value Survey (WVS) data with 1290 respondents and is regressed by the ordered logit and ordered probit modelling. The results indicated that the democratic act of ‘taxing the rich and subsidising the poor’ in reality reduces financial satisfaction among Malaysians. In contrast, these same Malaysians wish for a larger income difference as an incentive for individual efforts. In view of this, the government and policy makers should make revisions to the current progressive taxation system or look for other alternative taxation systems which may be seen as fairer and can improve financial satisfaction among Malaysians at each income level.


Webology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 416-429
Author(s):  
Anthony Anyibuofu Kifordu ◽  
Florence Konye Igweh ◽  
Judith Ifeanyi Aloamaka

Taxation affords governments everywhere an avenue for the strategic generation of revenue required for the development of societies. This is particularly true for developing societies that have historically relied on natural resources and foreign aid for state resources. This paper explores avenues through which emerging economies and the Nigerian state in particular can utilize taxation both as a channel for revenue generation and as a medium for the enhancement of state-society relations with a view to promoting good governance. Deploying secondary evidence, the paper argues that there is a palpable disconnect between the government and society in Nigeria owing to the historical fact that revenue generation from the natural resources domain and its utilization has been without accountability and transparency. It insists that governance in Africa’s most populous enclave is conducted without the requisite tactical taxation nous. On the basis of this evidence the paper suggests that Nigeria embrace a transparent and accountable tax regime which can aid economic development, strengthen economic institutions and policies, move beyond natural resources exploitation, and redistribute resources in favour of investments that require little skills and less capital with a view to bridging the gap between the rich and poor while simultaneously bringing a lot of people out of poverty.


2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (2) ◽  
pp. e2020589118
Author(s):  
Theresa K. Vescio ◽  
Nathaniel E. C. Schermerhorn

This work examined whether the endorsement of the culturally idealized form of masculinity—hegemonic masculinity (HM)—accounted for unique variance in men’s and women’s support for Donald Trump across seven studies (n = 2,007). Consistent with our theoretical backdrop, in the days (Studies 1 and 2) and months (Studies 3 through 6) following the 2016 American presidential election, women’s and men’s endorsement of HM predicted voting for and evaluations of Trump, over and above political party affiliation, gender, race, and education. These effects held when controlling for respondents’ trust in the government, in contrast to a populist explanation of support for Trump. In addition, as conceptualized, HM was associated with less trust in the government (Study 3), more sexism (Study 4), more racism (Study 5), and more xenophobia (Study 6) but continued to predict unique variance in evaluations of Trump when controlling for each of these factors. Whereas HM predicted evaluations of Trump, across studies, social and prejudiced attitudes predicted evaluations of his democratic challengers: Clinton in 2016 and Biden in 2020. We replicate the findings of Studies 1 through 6 using a nationally representative sample of the United States (Study 7) 50 days prior to the 2020 presidential election. The findings highlight the importance of psychological examinations of masculinity as a cultural ideology to understand how men’s and women’s endorsement of HM legitimizes patriarchal dominance and reinforces gender, race, and class-based hierarchies via candidate support.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelson Lajuni ◽  
Imbarine Bujang ◽  
Abd. Aziz Karia ◽  
Yusman Yacob

This study attempts to examine the personal financial distress among Malaysians millennial generation by scrutinizing religiosity, financial knowledge, and financial behavior as the influencing antecedents. The study adopted social learning theory (SLT) to underpin and explain the conceptual framework. The data were collected from millennial generations in Malaysia and analysed using Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modelling. The findings suggest that all claimed hypotheses were partially supported. Implication and contribution of the study were later discussed to justify the significance of this research. The findings revealed that behavioral traits to have a stronger impact on the incidence of personal financial distress than religiosity or financial knowledge. The results suggested the government should implement policy that could be oriented towards improving the financial habits and mitigating the impact of behavioral characteristics on personal finances


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jose Eduardo Jorge ◽  
Ernesto Marcelo Miró

Abstract (English): The performance of polls in the 2019 Argentine elections reached its lowest point since democratic restoration in 1983. Their errors were much greater than those observed in recent years in mature democracies, where there is talk about a crisis of this type of surveys. In the primaries, Argentine pollsters widely underestimated the advantage of the Everyone's Front opposition alliance over the governing Together for Change. But after adjusting their methods, in the general election they overestimated that advantage by similar margins. We analyze both failures in an international comparative perspective. Vote intention data for president was used to calculate error indicators and compare them with current international averages and those of past decades, and with errors in several electoral cycles in the US and the UK. We examine ongoing changes in the survey industry, falling response rates, and causes of error identified by new academic studies and work commissioned by professional associations in the field of public opinion research. This literature shows that pre-election polls are no more inaccurate today than in the past and underlines the importance of "non-sampling" errors, particularly those produced by non-response bias, when the probability of participating in a poll is lower for certain groups, such as people with little interest in politics or low social or institutional trust. These types of errors and their causes are now better understood and procedures can be designed to improve the accuracy of estimations. We also discuss the impact of inaccurate polls on political strategies and the media narrative of elections, as well as the difficulty for pollsters, journalists and political actors to acknowledge and communicate the levels of uncertainty associated with electoral predictions. Our analysis highlights basic limitations of the polling industry and public opinion research in Argentina, such as the lack of a professional association and the incipient development of electoral behavior studies. Pollsters were surprised when voters punished the government because of the economic crisis, even though it was the most likely scenario according to a not very large but significant set of empirical studies on economic voting in Argentina and Latin America. The substantial errors in 2019 have implications for the reliability of issue polling, which may show a distorted picture of opinions in Argentine society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 377-399
Author(s):  
Sukma Ari Ragil Putri ◽  
Ahmad Fahrudin

Abstract: Social distancing are a form of policy that made by the government in order to prevent the spread of the COVID-19 virus. This method, that was made by Indonesian government has implications for the method of working in the pandemic era, namely working from home. The application of social distancing then causes an increase in household activities that increase women's responsibilities in parenting and household work. Through the concept of symbolic violence, this article tries to explain the impact of social distancing restrictions on working women. This article finds that symbolic violence occurs through habitus that shapes women's mindsets so that they feel that caregiving and household work are women's responsibilities. This article also finds various gender inequalities that are increasingly visible with the social distancing restrictions that implemented by Indonesian governement.   Keywords: Gender; pandemic; symbolic violence Abstrak: Pembatasan jarak sosial menjadi salah satu kebijakan yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah untuk mencegah persebaran COVID-19. Metode ini dijalankan di Indonesia yang berimplikasi pada metode bekerja era pandemi yaitu work from home atau bekerja dari rumah. Penerapan social distancing kemudian menyebabkan bertambahkan kegiatan rumah tangga yang memperbesar tanggung jawab perempuan dalam kerja pengasuhan dan kerja rumah tangga. Melalui konsep kekerasan simbolik artikel ini mencoba memaparkan dampak dari pembatasan jarak sosial pada perempuan bekerja. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa kekerasan simbolik terjadi melalui habitus yang menyusun pola pikir perempuan sehingga merasa kerja pengasuhan dan kerja rumah tangga merupakan tanggung jawab perempuan. Artikel ini juga menemukan berbagai ketimpangan gender yang semakin terlihat dengan adanya pembatasan jarak sosial yang dilakukan di Indonesia. Kata kunci: Gender; kekerasan simbolik; pandemi


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