What Explains Credible Apologies? A Comment on Yap' ‘Non-Electoral Responsiveness Mechanisms’

2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 368-371
Author(s):  
ROBERT C. LOWRY
Keyword(s):  
Causal Relationship ◽  
Economic Performance ◽  
Economic Prosperity ◽  
Recent Issue ◽  
Ceteris Paribus ◽  
Strike Activity ◽  
The Government ◽  
Private Actors ◽  
Joint Occurrence ◽  
Monitoring Activity

In a recent issue of this Journal Professor Yap asks whether and how governments in what she calls ‘less-democratic’ countries, that is those where elections are uncompetitive due to a lack of democratic safeguards or opposition parties, are held accountable for the effects of their policies on economic performance. She argues that governments in these countries have an interest in avoiding strife and inducing private actors to provide resources necessary for economic prosperity. Because of this, ‘when their economies are performing less than optimally, these governments tend to offer credible apologies in the same year to attenuate the potential labour disquiet and loss in production investment.’ Yap develops the concept of a credible apology as the joint occurrence of punishment of responsible actors or reparations to injured parties, and an increase in monitoring activity by non-government actors. She then presents evidence for South Korea for 1964–87 and Singapore and Malaysia for 1966–94 showing that, ceteris paribus, the tendency of production investment to decrease and strike activity to increase in years with high unemployment is offset if the government makes a credible apology.Yap is quite clear that she assumes a causal arrow running from poor economic performance to credible apologies. Indeed, such a causal relationship is necessary for the concept of accountability; the events that Yap classifies as credible apologies must be made in response to unsatisfactory economic performance in order for us to say that these governments are being held (or are holding themselves) accountable for the consequences of their policies.

Housing Inflation: Policy Guidelines from Shariah Perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-81
Author(s):  
Azrul Azlan Iskandar Mirza ◽  
Asmaddy Haris ◽  
Ainulashikin Marzuki ◽  
Ummi Salwa Ahmad Bustamam ◽  
Hamdi Hakiem Mudasir ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Housing Prices ◽  
Construction Materials ◽  
Housing Price ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Control Element ◽  
Recent Issue ◽  
Analysis Methodology ◽  
The Government ◽  
Developing And Developed Countries

The soaring housing prices in Malaysia is not a recent issue. It is a global phenomenon especially in developing and developed countries, driven by factors including land price, location, construction materials cost, demand, and speculation. This issue demands immediate attention as it affects the younger generation, most of whom could not afford to buy their own house. The government has taken many initiatives and introduced regulations to ensure that housing prices are within the affordable range. This article aims to introduce a housing price control element from the Shariah perspective, as an alternative solution for all parties involved in this issue. It adopts content analysis methodology on policy from Shariah approved sources.

The Myth of Middle Class Moderation: African Lessons for South Africa

1988 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-48
Author(s):  
Pauline H. Baker
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
South Africa ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Economic Performance ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Underlying Assumption ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Government

An underlying assumption that ocurs in both conventional wisdom and in many academic analyses of political behavior is the notion that a critical linkage exists between political change and economic performance. The assumption is that economic growth is either a precondition or a correlate of democracy and political stability. Little empirical research has been done to test the validity of this widely held assumption as it applies to multicultural societies. Moreover, in the African environment, the assumption seems to operate only in selected cases or in ways that defy categorization. Jerry Rawlings, for example, said he led his first coup d’etat in Ghana because the government was going to devalue the currency; he led his second coup, in part, because the next government was going to devalue; and, during his own tenure in office, he has presided over a 1000 percent devaluation.

Design Challenges of the Horotiu Paa Bridge - Maximising Structural Efficiency and Economy

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liam Edwards
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Weathering Steel ◽  
Steel Bridge ◽  
Design Development ◽  
Economic Prosperity ◽  
Total Length ◽  
The Government ◽  
National Significance ◽  
Bridge Spans ◽  
Design Challenges

The Horotiu Paa Bridge, also known as the Karapiro Gully Bridge is the largest weathering steel bridge in New Zealand. Construction of the bridge was recently completed in November 2015. The bridge is part of the Cambridge section of the Waikato Expressway in New Zealand. The Waikato Expressway is one of the seven state highways, named the Roads of National Significance, identified by the government as essential to New Zealand's economic prosperity. The bridge spans over the Karapiro Gully with a total length of 200m, consisting of four 50m long equal spans and is 24m wide, servicing 4 lanes of traffic.<p> This paper discusses the design development, key design aspects, innovations and technical challenges for the design of the Horotiu Paa Bridge.

Hindutva Philosophy Reinforcement by the rss/bjp against Minorities and the Economic Performance of Narendra Modi’s Government in India

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-366
Author(s):  
Rajeev Ranjan Kumar ◽  
Muhammad Rizwan
Keyword(s):  
Growth Rate ◽  
Unemployment Rate ◽  
Economic Performance ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Economic Decline ◽  
Religious Minorities ◽  
Lower Caste ◽  
The Core ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government

Abstract Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is a controversial figure and has polarised public debate for over a decade. He is criticised for the decline in growth rate and increase in unemployment rate. It has been five years since the Modi-led Bhartiya Janata Party (bjp) came to power, so analysing the economic performance and extremist religious behaviour of the Modi-led bjp/rss (Rastriya Sevak Sangh) is interesting. This article discusses the non-conventional views on the economic performance of the government in India, and the ideology of Hindutva and hatred towards religious minorities. This deep-rooted hatred of religious minorities and the lower caste is the core philosophy of Hindutva and is followed by the bjp and rss. Under the shadow of the rss, the Modi government has focused on Hindutva rather than the economy and the people, which has been the most important factor in the economic decline of India.

scholarly journals Greece in the Eurozone: An Evaluation of the First Two Decades

2022 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Gregory T. Papanikos
Keyword(s):  
Economic Performance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Recent Issue ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
Per Capita Gdp ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Detrimental Impact ◽  
Of Greece

On the 31st of December 2021, the euro celebrated its two decades in circulation. Initially, twelve countries adopted the euro as their new national currency, Greece being one of them. Starting in 2020, euro is the official currency of nineteen European Union countries. This paper aims to examine three issues. Firstly, the paper investigates Greek people’s perception about the euro, using data from the recent issue of the Eurobarometer (December 2021). Secondly, the economic performance of Greece is briefly examined by comparing the Greek Gross Domestic Product (GDP) two decades before and two decades after the introduction of euro. Finally, the Greek participation to the eurozone has been a controversial, political issue. The political developments in Greece during the first two decades of the euro are also studied, emphasizing the dramatic political events after the double elections of 2012. The period of the two decades ends with the detrimental impact of COVID-19. This issue is also mentioned by reviewing some recent publications. Keywords: Eurozone, Greece, GDP, per capita GDP, Eurobarometer, euro, elections, politics

scholarly journals Estimating Impact of Covid 19 Outbreaks on Regional Economic's Development

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Sambari Radianto ◽  
Mahjudin Mahjudin
Keyword(s):  
Economic Performance ◽  
Regional Economics ◽  
Composite Index ◽  
Counter Measures ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
Community Activities ◽  
First Case ◽  
The Government ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The Impact

Indonesia officially declared the first case of the corona virus infection that caused Covid-19 in early March 2020. Since then, various counter measures have been taken by the government to reduce the impact of the Covid-19 outbreaks in various sectors. Restrictions on community activities affect business activities which led to economics declination. Almost all sectors are affected. This study aims to estimate the impact of the COVID-19 outbreaks on the regional economics development.  This research using composite index to estimate the impact of the COVID-19 outbreaks  on the regional economic develompment and this was carried out by building an index composite showing the severity of health on one hand and economic performance on the other. This research shows, 34 provinces in Indonesia can be classified into four quadrants: 1) health improving and the economy is improving, 2) health is improving and the economy is deteriorating, 3) health worsening and the economy is improving, and 4) health is deteriorating and the economy is deteriorating. This study aprovide suggestions in order to be more accurate in identifying problems and finding precise solutions, the local government should collect data and research on economic aspects in a fast and precise way, namely 1) the level of the COVID-19 outbreak in the province, 2 ) risk factors for natural disasters, 3), factors characteristic of economic problems, 4) fiscal burden factors.

The Economy, 1949–1978

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dwight H. Perkins
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Economic Performance ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Government Procurement ◽  
Chinese Economy ◽  
Published Data ◽  
Skilled Workers ◽  
Command Economy ◽  
Party Line ◽  
The Government

The Chinese economy during the first three decades of rule by the Chinese Communist Party was organized in a fundamentally different way from that of market economies in much of the rest of the world and from what the Chinese economy became in the 21st century after three decades of market-oriented economic reform. Beginning in the mid-1950s, China introduced a centrally planned command economy patterned on that of the Soviet Union. This economic system involved the abolition of household agriculture in favor of collectives, first called “agricultural producer cooperatives” and, later, “Rural People’s Communes.” Industrial inputs and outputs were allocated by administrative means in accordance with a plan developed by the State Planning Commission, and market forces were largely eliminated in industry and large-scale commerce. Wages were set, and skilled workers were allocated to jobs by the government rather than by a labor market. Even many consumer goods were rationed, although some were allocated to households through the market; prices paid to farmers also played a limited role in government procurement of agricultural products. This highly centralized nonmarket, Soviet-type system, however, was introduced into the very different context of a developing country that was extremely poor. From the beginning, China’s leadership and that of Chinese Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong, in particular, explored alternatives to these rigid central controls. The result of these explorations more often than not was economic disaster, leading to the 1959–1961 famine in which roughly thirty million people are believed to have died. The government and the leadership also pursued political goals, notably during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), that disrupted the economy and slowed economic growth. Economic studies during this period thus focused on how the economy was organized, how it made the transition from a market economy to a nonmarket command economy, and how the institutions and performance of this command economy performed in various periods. Describing the institutions was easier than measuring performance because, from 1958 to 1960, China published data that grossly exaggerated China’s economic performance. After 1960, given the reality of famine and a poorly performing economy more generally, the government simply stopped publishing statistical data on economic performance. Many analysts outside China thus had to piece together the data that did leak out, and much of their work managed to capture what was happening. The publication of increasing amounts of official data, beginning in 1979, filled in some of the gaps in the earlier literature. Most Chinese economists from 1949 through 1978 were expected to follow the government/party line at the time in anything they published; however, there were exceptions in which individual economists and officials stated views on economic matters that did not reflect the dominant government/party line.

Voluntary environmental collaborations and corporate social responsibility in Siem Reap city, Cambodia

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Koet Vitiea ◽  
Seunghoo Lim
Keyword(s):  
Corporate Social Responsibility ◽  
Social Responsibility ◽  
Environmental Issues ◽  
Collaborative Networks ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
The Government ◽  
Corporate Social ◽  
Private Actors

Purpose This study aims to identify which actors play leadership and brokerage roles in voluntary environmental collaborations and how the corporate social responsibility (CSR) of actors is associated with such voluntary networking behaviours in Cambodia. Design/methodology/approach To achieve these purposes, this study mainly uses social network analysis to capture the properties of networking behaviours in the voluntary collaborative activities underlying three main environmental issues: waste disposal, energy and water pollution. The study focusses on the collaborative efforts undertaken by actors across multiple sectors: governmental organizations, for-profits and civil society organizations. Findings The results show that the government plays the leading role in voluntary environmental collaborations across environmental issues; however, the actual implementation is expanded to be undertaken by non-state actors. Moreover, CSR has positive associations with networking and brokerage roles; therefore, this study reveals the utility of various voluntary policy instruments. Practical implications This study demonstrates the role of governmental initiation and its influence on non-state actors, even for voluntary environmental tools. The CSR initiatives of private actors can also be supported and encouraged by the government, which will promote participation by private actors in voluntary collaborative networks and their leading role as network facilitators. Social implications By understanding the positions and roles of each actor in the environmental collaborative networks, environmental policymakers can better understand the possibilities and the capabilities of each actor both to improve policy design and learning and to respond to policy changes effectively. Originality/value Voluntary collaboration and CSR are non-regulated policy tools; however, they can be promoted and introduced into society by governmental organizations, and they affect each other.

Resisting Austerity: The Case of Greece”s Powerworkers and Steelworkers

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 98-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
S.E. Gialis ◽  
A. Herod
Keyword(s):  
Government Policy ◽  
Property Tax ◽  
Labour Markets ◽  
Local Networks ◽  
Strike Activity ◽  
Capital Region ◽  
Novel Method ◽  
The Government ◽  
Of Greece

This paper studies workers’ agency in the context of government austerity measures in contemporary, crisis-hit Greece. It focuses upon the spatial aspects of two cases of worker mobilisation. The first of these involves powerworkers who supported widespread popular protests against a new property tax designed to raise government revenues. Importantly, the government had sought to collect this tax by adding it to people's electricity bills, a novel method which generated massive opposition. The second concerns strike activity engaged in by steelworkers employed at the Greek Steelworks SA in Aspropyrgos, in the capital region of Attica. These workers were responding to the company's taking advantage of new laws designed to increase flexibility in labour markets by allowing employers to fire more people than they otherwise would have been allowed to do. The paper analyses the different tactics employed in both of these quite different efforts to challenge Greek austerity measures. In analysing these different tactics we explore the role of in-place and trans-local networks of solidarity in response to government policy. A deeper understanding of such factors, we would suggest, may contribute to strengthening the prospects of workers’ struggle in places and spaces where painful capital devaluation diminishes workers’ rights and dismantles social and employment protections.

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