Civil War and Citizens' Demand for the State: An Empirical Test of Hobbesian Theory

Author(s):  
Robert A. Blair

Abstract How does violence during civil war shape citizens' demand for state-provided security, especially in settings where non-state actors compete with the state for citizens' loyalties? This article draws on Hobbesian theory to argue that in post-conflict countries, citizens who were more severely victimized by wartime violence should substitute away from localized authorities and towards centralized ones, especially the state. The author tests the theory by combining two original surveys with existing media and non-governmental organization data on wartime violence in Liberia. The study shows that citizens who were more severely affected by violence during the Liberian civil war are more likely to demand state-provided security, both in absolute terms and relative to non-state alternatives. More sporadic collective violence in the post-conflict period does not reverse this substitution effect. Also consistent with Hobbesian theory, citizens who were more severely victimized are more fearful of threats to peace almost a decade later.

Author(s):  
Finn Stepputat

The article explores the phenomenon of mob violence in predominatly Mayan towns in rural Guatemala. Since 1996, more than 100 people have been killed by crowds in rural towns. The victims have usually been young men accused of often minor criminal acts, or representatives of the state trying to protect the victims. The occurrence of mob violence coincides roughly with the area where the army organized civil self-defence patrols during the civil war from 1981-96 as part of the national security counterinsurgency program. The post-conflict transition has paradoxically brought security back to the top of the political agenda as political violence has been substituted and overshadowed by violence related to drug trafficking and other forms of criminality. The article shows how mob violence has been interpreted in the context of postconflict transformations where the elimination of violence and violent conflicts has been addressed as an object of development, and suggests that we, in addition to common sociological interpretations, may understand lynchings as an exclusive practice of communal sovereignty within a transnational political field of politics of in/security.  


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 533-553
Author(s):  
Fodei Batty ◽  
Fredline M’Cormack-Hale

Although the collective memory of war is frequently invoked in post-war societies, who chooses to invoke it and to what effect has been less studied relative to other aspects of such societies. In this article we employ a case study of Sierra Leone to address this deficit in the post-conflict scholarship by illustrating how the collective memory of that country’s civil war is appropriated by diverse actors in the post-war society. Drawing from field interviews, we present evidence showing how, and why, several societal groups constituted as distinct post-war identities such as victims-rights groups, former defenders of the state, or perpetrators of the violence during the Sierra Leone civil war articulate dissatisfactions with their livelihoods and the reactions of state officials to their demands. The article explains why, and how, successive governments have selectively suppressed the discontent of some groups over livelihood insecurities that are construed as threats to public order while ignoring violent protests from other groups over similar issues, in spite of a 1965 public order act restricting protests. Thus, the article argues that state officials in Sierra Leone have not demonstrated superior commitment to peacebuilding than societal groups that make demands on the state.


2007 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oren Barak

This article explores the divergent ways in which the state, the political society, and the civil society in Lebanon have addressed the Civil War (1975-90) in the postwar era. More specifically, I explore the interplay between actors operating within these spheres concerning three contentious questions: a) Should the war be remembered and commemorated? b) Who is responsible for the war? c) How to consider Lebanon's modern history in light of the war? The discussion highlights both the possibilities and constraints of civil society groups in post-conflict settings.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 692-705
Author(s):  
Olha A. Lyubitseva ◽  
Galina M. Zavarika

The article is devoted to the geographic analysis and evaluation of the development of tourism in Luhansk region in the context of the current conflict. The aim of this report is to monitor the state of tourism in Luhansk region, which is especially relevant in this transformational period. We used research methodology which combines the philosophical and general scientific principles that form the methodological principles of scientific research and include a number of laws and categories. Analytical, statistical, comparative-geographical, historical methods of research were used. We considered in chronological order the formation of tourism in the region. The state of tourism in the region under the conditions of the conflict is analyzed. It is revealed that the current state of tourism is that of crisis, but there are positive prospects for development. The geographical possibilities of tourism development at the present stage are substantiated. It is proposed to develop the most promising types of tourism. The scientific novelty is due to choice of theme itself, because geographers devote insufficient attention to the study of tourism development issues in the context of the conflict. For the first time , a geographic analysis of the status of tourism of Luhansk region in the conditions of the conflict is presented. The methods of comprehensive assessment of tourism development at the regional level have been improved with the use of quantitative and qualitative indicators, which allows us to determine the directions of tourist development in the region. The existing information on the influence of the conflict period on tourism development is supplemented.For the first time, a comprehensive analysis of the status of tourism in Luhansk region was carried out for different periods: at the beginning of the conflict and during the conflict, which showed that Ukraine’s image as a place of conflict led to the emergence of new social-geographical features of the development of tourism in the east of Ukraine. It is revealed that the conflict has led to instability in the development of tourism, tourists who are worried about their safety refuse to visit a conflicted country or region. This inevitably leads to a decrease in the number of international tourist arrivals and revenues from tourism, a decrease in the number of objects of tourism and of collective accommodation facilities. It is determined that the attractiveness for tourism and image of the eastern region is almost lost as a result of the conflict. It is proved that the conflict negatively impacted the development of the tourism industry in the region, namely, all types of tourism suffered, significantly reducing the total number of tourists.It is determined that tourism in the post-conflict period may become a promising direction of economic development of the eastern regions of Ukraine. The main provisions, factual material and conclusions of the article can be used for further research on the development of tourism in Luhansk region and the creation of a concept for overcoming the negative consequences of the conflict of 2014-2019 in Ukraine for the development of the national tourism industry.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2020 (67) ◽  
pp. 51-74
Author(s):  
زيد حبيب حسين ◽  
أ. د. وفاء جعفر المهداوي

In a country exhausted by conflicts, and successive circumstances weakened it, to produce a situation that is least described as "outside of time" at all levels. This research comes in the form of a scenario that shows the correct path that the Iraqi state must follow if it wants for itself and its society to return to time. He stresses that the first step of correction begins with the state itself. It is a choice coupled with the extent of the seriousness of the state in its obligations towards its citizens and people to recover and recover from the accumulated effects of conflicts. It is a scenario based on the assumption that the development state will adopt it as the ideal solution for the Iraqi economy in the post-conflict period. Research has proven this assumption. Therefore, the research recommends building a new social contract between the state and the citizen-based on: 1- human rights. 2- Governance. 3- Citizenship. 4- Participation. And adopting the state's development method with social responsibility, which aims to ensure the achievement of sustainable development priorities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 463-471
Author(s):  
Barış Can Sever ◽  
Mehmet Gökay Özerim

After the outbreak of the civil war in Syria, Turkey undertook a prominent role by becoming the leading host country for Syrian refugees. The volume of the flow and the urgency of the refugees’ situation have necessitated the involvement of several actors apart from the state. This study reveals and discusses the role of non-state actors in managing refugees through a field study on Syrians in the Turkish city of Mersin. The role of non-state actors in this process is analysed by discussing and presenting (i) their profiles, (ii) the major types of activities and services that they provide for refugees and; (iii) their contribution to integrating Syrians in Turkey.


Author(s):  
Peace A. Medie

Chapter 3 traces the problem of violence against women in Liberia and explains how the conflict exacerbated the problem and rendered women vulnerable in its aftermath. It examines three time periods (pre-conflict, conflict, and post-conflict) and explains that patriarchal gender norms were always at the core of this violence and contributed to Liberians’ reluctance to report rape and domestic violence to the police and to support the prosecution of offenders. However, widespread sexual violence during the conflict and post-conflict campaigns by the state and non-state actors led to shifting attitudes and to increased reporting of these crimes. Nonetheless, it shows how even after the conflict, Liberians relied more on informal justice mechanisms to address violence against women.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Binetti ◽  
Martin C. Steinwand

International aid plays an important role in the reconstruction of war-torn societies after the end of civil war, but its effectiveness depends on whether aid reaches the neediest recipients. We study how power sharing in Nepal's post-conflict transition affected the political capture of aid. We argue that despite the explicit inclusion of disadvantaged groups in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement from 2006 and the Interim Constitution, regions that neither aligned with the Maoist rebels nor the government during the civil war remained politically disadvantaged. A possible causal mechanism is the low threat potential of non-combatant groups, which results in under-representation during peace negotiations and in post-conflict institutions. We present statistical evidence that districts in which neither the government nor the Maoist rebels (CPN(M)) had political support during the conflict receive systematically less aid during the post-conflict period, regardless of economic need or damage caused by fighting. At the same time, support for the CPN(M) during the conflict is a significant predictor for higher post-conflict aid flows, but only in times when the CPN(M) holds government office.


Land ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 181
Author(s):  
Lina Buchely

This article presents an analysis of the complexities implied by the implementation of the Colombian land restitution policy, as an example of the way in which the state works in its day-to-day practice. The document highlights the role played by the bureaucracy of “land” in the management of the so-called post-conflict setting. It is constructive in showing the multiscale nature of the state, whose operation cannot be understood outside the various levels and scales that compose it. This conception is very well exemplified by the typology of the bureaucracies to which it resorts in order to explain the different meanings of notions, such as “conflict,” “land” or “victim,” for the public officials according to the position they fill in the institutional architecture of restitution. By analyzing the research findings, the author reveals that it is emotional, rather than material, benefits that condense the state’s role in the Colombian post-conflict period.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document