Canadian Public Opinion about the Military: Assessing the Influences on Attitudes toward Defence Spending and Participation in Overseas Combat Operations

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Fitzsimmons ◽  
Allan Craigie ◽  
Marc André Bodet
Keyword(s):  
Demographic Characteristics ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Canadian Forces ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Attitudinal Factors ◽  
Defence Spending ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Government Of Canada ◽  
The Military

AbstractDespite more than a decade of heightened defence spending and active fighting in the War in Afghanistan, the longest combat operation in the history of the Canadian Forces, scholars know precious little about how the socio-demographic characteristics and attitudes of Canadians may influence their views about taking part in overseas combat operations and funding the institution charged with carrying out these dangerous activities. By testing a range of hypotheses, which purport to explain the influence of multiple socio-demographic and attitudinal factors on Canadians' attitudes toward defence spending and the participation of the Canadian Forces in overseas combat operations, against data from the 2004 and 2011 Canadian Election Study, this article ascertains the most important determinants of Canadians' preferences about defence spending and the use of military force by the Government of Canada.

scholarly journals Pemikiran dan Gerakan Amr Ma‘rûf Nahy Munkar Front Pembela Islam (FPI) di Indonesia 1989-2012

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 220
Author(s):  
Saeful Anwar
Keyword(s):  
Military Force ◽  
Government Regulations ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Facilities ◽  
Moral Problems ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

<p>This article explores the history of thoughts and movements of the Front Pembela Islam (FPI) in Indonesia between 1998 and 2012. The study concludes that since many government regulations are violated by the public, including the prohibition of gambling, prostitution and other forms of disobedience and lack of firmness of the government, FPI feels the need to take the initiative to help the government fight against immorality in order to enforce <em>amr ma‘rûf nahy munkar</em>. This is done through the movement run by the military force of the FPI who often uses means of violence. In line with this study, FPI should not perform <em>nahy munkar</em> movement using any violent means, such as damaging public facilities, hurting people, and other destructive deeds. The reason is that by doing such violent actions, FPI will not even help resolving the moral problems that occur in Indonesia. In addition, the violent movement does not reflect the image of Islam as a religion of peace.</p>

scholarly journals A History of Koshe Town in South-Central Ethiopia from 1941 to 1991

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-137
Author(s):  
Yohannes Tesfaye Getachew
Keyword(s):  
Research Paper ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Central Ethiopia ◽  
South Central ◽  
Important Development ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Commercial Center

Abstract Koshe town is the administrative and commercial center of Mareko woreda.1 It is found in Gurage Zone Southern Nation Nationalities and Peoples Regional State. According to the tradition the origin of the name “Koshe” is originated from the plant which called by the name Koshe which abundantly grow in the area. The establishment of Koshe town is directly associated with the five years Italian occupation. Due to the expansion of patriotic movement in the area Italian officials of the area forced to establish additional camp in the area in a particular place Koshe. This paper explores the role of Fascist Italy for the establishment of Koshe town. The former weekly market shifted its location and established around the Italian camp. Following the evacuation of Fascist Italy the Ethiopian governments control the area. During the government of Emperor Haile Selassie Koshe town got some important developmental programs. The most important development was the opening of the first school by the effort of the Swedes.2 The Military regime (Derg)3 also provided important inputs for the urbanization of Koshe town. This research paper observes the development works that flourish in Koshe during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie and the Military regime, and also asses the role of different organizations for the urbanization of Koshe town.

Zwischen Polarisierung und Beharrung: Die Bundestagswahl 2017

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Bundestag Elections ◽  
Angela Merkel ◽  
History Of ◽  
Bundestagswahl 2017 ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Government

The Bundestag election was a choice between polarisation and insistence. The parties in the grand coalition had to accept massive losses of votes. Nevertheless, the black-red government under Angela Merkel remained in power. The AfD was the first right-wing populist party to enter the Bundestag. Based on data collected within the framework of the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), the most comprehensive research project to date on German elections, this volume offers a comprehensive analysis of the Bundestag elections. It follows on from the two studies on the 2009 and 2013 Bundestag elections and updates the longstanding electoral history of the Federal Republic of Germany from the perspective of empirical electoral research. Written in a scientifically based and understandable manner, the volume analyses the development of politics and public opinion since the Bundestag elections in 2013. It discusses election campaigns, election results and voter behaviour in detail as well as the formation of the government in 2017, which, at that time, had lasted longer than ever before.

Setbacks to Political Institutionalisation by Praetorianism in Africa

1988 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
Opoku Agyeman
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Managerial Leadership ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Constitutional Changes

Praetorianism has been authoritatively defined as a situation in which ‘the military class of a given society exercises independent political power within it by virtue of an actual or threatened use of military force’.1 A praetorian state, by elaboration, is one in which the military tends to intervene and potentially could dominate the political system. The political processes of this state favor the development of the military as the core group and the growth of its expectations as a ruling class; its political leadership (as distinguished from bureaucratic, administrative and managerial leadership) is chiefly recruited from the military, or from groups sympathetic, or at least not antagonistic, to the military. Constitutional changes are effected and sustained by the militaty, and the army frequently intervenes in the government.2

scholarly journals The Role Of The Principalities Of The Kashkadarya Oasis In The Political History Of The Bukhara Emirate In The XIX-Early XX Centuries

2020 ◽  
Vol 02 (11) ◽  
pp. 79-85
Author(s):  
Akhmadjon Kholikulov ◽  
◽  
Ozodbek Nematovich Nematov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

Information on political relations between the government of the Emirate of Bukhara and the principalities of the Kashkadarya oasis in the early XIX-XX centuries is reflected in the works of local historians and Russian tourists, diplomats, the military. Local historians such as Muhammad Mirolim Bukhari, Muhammad Siddiq, Mirzo Abdulazim Somi, Mushrif Bukhari, Ahmad Donish, Mirzo Salimbek, who lived and worked during this period, were government officials and dedicated their works to the reigns of the Mangit emirs.

scholarly journals Recruited to get suited: the contemporary diversity recruitment tactics of the Canadian Military

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Nava
Keyword(s):  
First Generation ◽  
Canadian Forces ◽  
Extensive Review ◽  
Employment Equity ◽  
First Generation Immigrants ◽  
Secondary Literature ◽  
Visible Minorities ◽  
The Government ◽  
Canadian Military ◽  
The Military

This study includes an analysis of secondary literature on the issue of diversity in the Canadian Forces, and includes an extensive review of how employment equity regulations have impacted the Canadian military. Interviews were conducted with first generation immigrants who have joined, or are contemplating, joining the Forces, as well as with experts on diversity in the military. The purpose of the interviews was to glean experiential anecdotes, and professional knowledge about the issue of increasing the representation of visible minorities in the Canadian Forces, and the relative success of that endeavour. The intention of this research is to explore an area of research that is undeveloped outside of military-commissioned inquiry, and to provide recommendations to the government concerning how to improve the public's awareness of the military, how to address misconceptions, and the problems that deter newcomers in Canada from wanting to join.

scholarly journals The Features of the Domestic Political Development of Mauritania during the Reign of Mohammed Ould Abdel Aziz (2009–2019)

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 607-621
Author(s):  
Maria I. Makhmutova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Military

This article is devoted to the study of domestic political development of Mauritania during the ten years President Mohammed Ould Abdel Aziz’s reign (2009–2019). The author focuses on the main challenges to the regime supported by the military junta, as well as on the key reasons for its preservation, despite the presence of sharp contradictions within the state. The army, entrenched in power structures, had to face such problems as terrorism from Al-Qaeda, the Arab spring, and the assassination attempt on the president. At the same time, the country’s authorities were able to address these problems through a tough fight against extremism. One cannot fail to note the introduction of the practice of expanding the circle of parties loyal to the president and the national dialogue with the opposition, which not only contributed to the legitimization of Abdel Aziz’s personality, but also continued his political activity. This occurred while most regimes in the Arab East either fell or were faced with lengthy civil wars. In addition, the author notes that the elections and referendum, as elements of democracy, have been used more than once by Abdel Aziz to advance his interests, despite protests and criticism from opposition parties. In fact, in 2017, the country’s leadership was able to rewrite the constitution for itself and subjugate the legislative and judicial branches of the government. It is worth stating that Abdel Aziz became the first head of state who, in the entire modern history of Mauritania, was able to ensure a peaceful transfer of power after the end of the second presidential term. This decision did not force citizens to experience another coup d’état and political instability. In general, the author comes to the conclusion that the rule of Abdel Aziz had two main features: the desire to retain all the levers of power and, if political instability is brewing, to initiate negotiations with the opposition. These contradictions were not resolved, and the pendulum constantly swung depending on the domestic political background in the country.

Papua New Guinea: Volatile but Coupless

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
R.J. May
Keyword(s):  
Papua New Guinea ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
New Guinea ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
The Government ◽  
Security Operations ◽  
Civilian Authority ◽  
The Military

Before Papua New Guinea’s independence in 1975, its military consisted of a Pacific Island Regiment under the Australian Army’s Northern Command. In preparation for independence, there was considerable debate over whether the independent country should have a military force. Provision was made for the Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF) in the constitution, with a strong emphasis on the supremacy of the civilian authority. In the first decade of independence, the PNGDF was called out to assist police in internal security operations, but the priority of its role in internal security was not officially recognized until 1991. The deployment of the PNGDF to Bougainville to assist police in operations against what became the separatist Bougainville Revolutionary Army involved a heavy commitment of troops to a long-running conflict and was marked by a number of confrontations between the military and political leaders. This culminated in the Sandline affair, in which the PNGDF commander stepped in to terminate a contract between the government and the military consultants Sandline International and called on the prime minister to resign (but did not attempt to take over the government). After the Sandline affair and with the Bougainville Peace Agreement, relations between government and military improved, but several incidents involving PNGDF personnel led Prime Minister Morauta to speak of a “culture of instability” within the PNGDF and to invite a review by a Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group. Confrontations between the military and government, however, have consistently stopped short of attempted coup. The most plausible explanation for this may lie in the localized, competitive, and fractious nature of political power in Papua New Guinea, the absence of a dominant ethnic group, and the difficulties that even a legitimate, elected government has in maintaining law and order and service delivery across the country.

scholarly journals As Origens do Associativismo e do Sindicalismo de Professores do Estado do Maranhão: uma perspectiva histórico-social da educação maranhense (1964-1985)

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 189
Author(s):  
Carlos Bauer ◽  
Vanessa Amorim Dantas
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
Social Time ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

RESUMONesses escritos são retomadas algumas passagens da educação pública no estado do Maranhão, desde os anos em que o Brasil esteve sob a égide do regime militar, instalado pela força em 1964, até a retomada democrática no país, realizada a partir dos meados da década de 1980. Tem-se como objetivo analisar os embates que se produziram entre as forças políticas estabelecidas no aparato estatal e os trabalhadores em educação nesse controverso período histórico. Imbuídos dessa perspectiva, os autores buscam delinear o percurso educacional vivenciado pelo maranhenses, a partir da compreensão crítica do contexto sociopolítico daquele momento, da análise das disposições políticas educacionais no domínio federal e sua incidência na esfera localizam as possíveis modificações ocorridas no ensino com a ascensão de novos sujeitos políticos ao governo, como também os pontos nevrálgicos que estão presentes nas lutas deflagradas pela valorização da docência num tempo social reconhecidamente conturbado. Com o estudo dessas trajetórias e suas repercussões nos movimentos associativistas e sindicais dos trabalhadores em educação, procura-se contribuir para ampliação de pesquisas de cunho históricoeducacional e, sobretudo, da história social daqueles que fazem a educação no Maranhão em sua cotidianidade.Palavras-chave: APEMA. História da educação. Maranhão.ABSTRACTIn these writings are taken some passages of public education in the state of Maranhão, from the years when Brazil was under the aegis of the military regime, installed by force in 1964, to the democratic revival in the country, held from mid- 1980. Which objective is to analyze the conflicts that took place between the political forces established in thestate apparatus and workers in education in this controversial historical period. Imbued with this perspective, the authors seek to outline the educational journey experienced by maranhense people, from the critical understanding of the socio-political context of that time, the analysis of education policy provisions in the federal domain and its impact on the state level; thereby locate the possible changes occurredin education with the rise of new political subjects to the government, as well as the hot spots that are present in the struggles triggered by the appreciation of teaching in an admittedly troubled social time. With the study of these trajectories and their impact on associative movementsand unions of workers in education, it seeks to contribute to expand research of historical and educational character and, above all, the social history of those who make education in Maranhao in its daily life. Keywords: APEMA. History of education. Maranhão.RESUMENEn estos escritos se retoman algunos pasajes de la educación pública en el Estado de Maranhão, desde los años en que Brasil estuvo bajo la égida del régimen militar, instalado por la fuerza en 1964, hasta la recuperación democrática en el país, celebrada desde mediados de la década de 1980. Tiene como objetivo analizar los embates que tuvieron lugar entre las fuerzas políticas establecidas en el aparato del Estado y los trabajadores de la educaciónen en este período histórico controvertido. Imbuidos de esta perspectiva, los autores tratan de delinear el camino educativo experimentado por los ciudadanos de Maranhão, desde la comprensión crítica del contexto sociopolítico de la época, del análisis de las disposiciones políticas educacionales en el dominio federal y su incidencia en el ámbito estatal; con eso localizan los posibles cambios ocurridos en la educación con la ascensión de nuevos sujetos políticos al gobierno, así como los puntos críticos que están presentes en las luchas deflagradas por la valorización de la docencia en un tiempo social reconocidamente contubado. Con el estudio de esas trayectorias y sus impactos en los movimentos asociativos y sindicatos de trabajadores en educación, se busca contribuir para ampliar las investigaciones de carácter histórico y educativo y, sobre todo, de la historia social de aquellos que hacen la educación en Maranhão en su cotidianidad.Palabras clave: APEMA. Historia de la educación. Maranhão. 

scholarly journals MILITARY FORCES OF NERCHINSKY DISTRICT IN 1660–1670S. CRISIS OF DEFENSE SYSTEM OF THE EASTERN TRANSBAIKALYE

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (73) (3) ◽  
pp. 14-33
Author(s):  
E. Bagrin
Keyword(s):  
Military Force ◽  
Defense System ◽  
Qing Empire ◽  
Southern Siberia ◽  
Slow Pace ◽  
Military Threat ◽  
Military Forces ◽  
The Government ◽  
Russian Military ◽  
The Military

The article examines the garrison of Nerchinsk district in 1660–1670s. Formation of Russian military force for defending its southeastern borders had been established during this period in Dauria. The military forces located in Nerchinsk, Telenbinsk and Itantsinsk were too small in number to resist Mongol and Qing Empire troops effectively. The replenishment of Nerchinsk garrison staff happened at a slow pace, at the same time, Daurian military forces could not be strengthened by transferring troops from other places to Transbaikalye and Amur region. Free military contingent from Western Siberian cities was diverted to countermeasure the nomads in southern Siberia. There were not enough warriors in Yakutsk district to «pacify non-peaceful foreigners». Most of warriors in Yeniseisk and Ilimsk were in various «sovereign services» and could not be sent to Dauria. The government was unable to strengthen the southeastern border with people and pursued a policy of avoiding conflicts with neighbors, but at the same time it was sending stocks of weapons and ammunition to the region in case of military threat. The article provides a list of Nerchinsk garrison members in 1675–1677.

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