“A True and Patriotic Band!”: Welsh Anglican Resistance to a Colonial Victorian Church

2019 ◽  
Vol 88 (4) ◽  
pp. 953-977 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew C. Jones

This essay examines the colonial relationship between the Anglican Church and the British Empire's Welsh subjects across the nineteenth century. Focusing on the small output of a group of exiled Welsh clergymen (known as The Association of Welsh Clergy in the West Riding of the County of York), I consider Welsh Anglican responses to the church's neglect of Wales (exemplified by no Welsh-speaking bishop being assigned to a Welsh diocese between 1727 and 1870, despite the majority of the population not speaking English). The association believed that preaching in a foreign language such as English constituted a perversion from proper church practice and that this both reflected hegemonic attitudes toward indigenous and non-English speaking populations and pushed the Welsh population toward dissent. In response, the association sought to combine church reform with Welsh nationalism by elevating Welsh speakers as the spiritual inheritors of the true and primitive British church. They promulgated their visions in annual reports published between 1852 and 1856 into which they channeled other contemporary voices speaking against tyrannical and “Romish” Anglican Church practices. Through an analysis of post-Reformation Welsh church histories and the reports’ usages of such terminology as “alienation,” “Catholicism,” and “patriotism,” I reveal how the Welsh national identity the association fashioned at once operated within and aspired to correct the Anglican Church.

Author(s):  
Mary Wills

The chapter examines how naval officers engaged with the cornerstones of the British abolitionist agenda: religion, humanitarianism, morality and concepts of national identity. As most nineteenth-century naval officers came from the middle or upper-middle classes, they were exposed to a culture of anti-slavery sentiment in popular politics, literature and the press. These ideas had a significant impact on how they conceived the nature of their duty as naval personnel and their identity as Britons. Many testimonies of naval suppression offer emotion, insight and conviction regarding the anti-slavery cause, often driven by religious belief, and particularly the rise of evangelicalism in the navy. Yet there was no obligation for naval officers serving on the West Africa squadron to be committed abolitionists. Others held more ambiguous views, particularly as attitudes regarding slavery and race evolved and hardened as the century progressed.


Author(s):  
Arnab Dasgupta ◽  

This paper will attempt to map the emergence of linguistic nationalism as a direct offshoot of the language debate in early-colonial Assam. In 1836, Bengali was made the language of courts and schools in Assam. Ten years later, the Baptist Mission at Sadiya started publishing a monthly magazine called Orunodoi. Orunodoi gradually became a critical instrument in the effort to reinstate Assamese as the language of the province’s courts and schools. How did the emergent public sphere react to the debate on language? What was the power dynamic between an emergent native intelligentsia, the Baptist Mission and the colonial state in early-colonial Assam? What are the factors that prevented Assamese from being reinstated as the language of courts and schools in Assam until 1873? Was the debate on language merely about imposition of a ‘foreign’ language, or was the discourse more fluid with concerns like language standardisation operating as undercurrents? Can the language debate in early-colonial Assam be isolated as the first assertion of a sub-national identity based upon cultural and linguistic ‘uniqueness’? Through an analysis of some articles published in Orunodoi, read along with private letters and official correspondences of the American Baptist Mission in Assam, this paper will attempt to address some of these questions and recover the context of the debate around language in nineteenth-century Assam.


Muzikologija ◽  
2005 ◽  
pp. 101-117
Author(s):  
Aikaterini Romanou

In this article the writer investigates the relations between perceptions of the East and the West in nineteenth century Greece, their connection to national identity, to the language question and to political tendencies. The composer Manoles Kalomoires was influenced by a group of progressive intellectuals striving to liberate Greek literature and language from its dependence on Ancient Greek legacy, a dependence motivated by Western idealists (who saw in the Greek Revolution of 1821 a renaissance of Ancient Greece). Most were educated in the West, but promoted an oriental image of Greeks. Kalomoires' musical expression of this image was inspired by Rimsky-Korsakov's Sheherazade and the Golden Cockerel. In 1909-910 he wrote an unfinished opera, Mavrianos and the King, on the model of the Golden Cockerel. He later used this music in his best known opera, The Mother's Ring (1917). In the present article the similarities in the three works are for the first time shown. An essential influence from Rimsky-Korsakov's work is the contrast between the world of freedom, nature and fantasy and that of oppression.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 05003
Author(s):  
Marina Shirokova

The article examines the question of the degree of influence the Western philosophy has on the philosophical concept of the founders of Slavophilism and the related question of the degree of independence of the philosophy of the Slavophils. The view is expressed that the problem of national identity, which became key to the Slavophile authors, was actively discussed at the beginning of the nineteenth century in the countries of Europe and from there penetrated into the Russian thought. It is said that the Slavophiles used the categorical apparatus and methodology of German classical philosophy, primarily the ideas of Hegel and Schelling. A comparison of the views of representatives of Slavophilism and Western European romanticism is conducted. The author concludes that the influence of Western philosophy on the concept of Slavophiles is undeniable, but the complex of Slavophilism ideas cannot be considered secondary to European ideas. The Slavophiles saw their task in creating an independent Russian philosophy, in which the synthesis of the cultures of Russia and the West on the basis of common moral values could be achieved.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Miner

This essay explores the intersection between the politics of regionalism and recreation in Anthony Trollope's Barsetshire novels. The relationship between narrative structure and local environment articulated in Trollope's series links the form of the Victorian regional novel to an interrogation of England's relationship to its internal geography by questioning, in effect, how a region can remain autonomous and yet be a resource for national identity. Trollope's response is to use the regional practice of fox-hunting to preserve the West Country's unique place in the national imagination through sport. Situating the Barsetshire novels within hunting's vexed place in nineteenth-century rural communities and focusing on Doctor Thorne, I suggest that Trollope advances a conservative ideology that the region's identity can only be sustained through preserving country house culture. Trollope represents hunting as an ingrained rural custom, thus paradoxically using a national sport to promote regional insularity and justify the landowning class' social control of the region.


2002 ◽  
pp. 106-110
Author(s):  
Liudmyla O. Fylypovych

Sociology of religion in the West is a field of knowledge with at least 100 years of history. As a science and as a discipline, the sociology of religion has been developing in most Western universities since the late nineteenth century, having established traditions, forming well-known schools, areas related to the names of famous scholars. The total number of researchers of religion abroad has never been counted, but there are more than a thousand different centers, universities, colleges where religion is taught and studied. If we assume that each of them has an average of 10 religious scholars, theologians, then the army of scholars of religion is amazing. Most of them are united in representative associations of researchers of religion, which have a clear sociological color. Among them are the most famous International Society for the Sociology of Religion (ISSR) and the Society for Scientific Study of Religion (SSSR).


Author(s):  
James J. Coleman

At a time when the Union between Scotland and England is once again under the spotlight, Remembering the Past in Nineteenth-Century Scotland examines the way in which Scotland’s national heroes were once remembered as champions of both Scottish and British patriotism. Whereas 19th-century Scotland is popularly depicted as a mire of sentimental Jacobitism and kow-towing unionism, this book shows how Scotland’s national heroes were once the embodiment of a consistent, expressive and robust view of Scottish nationality. Whether celebrating the legacy of William Wallace and Robert Bruce, the reformer John Knox, the Covenanters, 19th-century Scots rooted their national heroes in a Presbyterian and unionist view of Scotland’s past. Examined through the prism of commemoration, this book uncovers collective memories of Scotland’s past entirely opposed to 21st-century assumptions of medieval proto-nationalism and Calvinist misery. Detailed studies of 19th-century commemoration of Scotland’s national heroes Uncovers an all but forgotten interpretation of these ‘great Scots’ Shines a new light on the mindset of nineteenth-century Scottish national identity as being comfortably Scottish and British Overturns the prevailing view of Victorian Scottishness as parochial, sentimental tartanry


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chengcheng You

This article reviews four major Chinese animated adaptations based on the classic Journey to the West. It shows how these adaptations, spanning four historical phases of modern China, encapsulate changes in Chinese national identity. Close readings underpin a developmental narrative about how Chinese animated adaptations of this canonical text strive to negotiate the multimodal expressions of homegrown folklore traditions, technical influences of western animation, and domestic political situations across time. This process has identified aesthetic dilemmas around adaptations that oscillate between national allegory and individual destiny, verisimilitude and the fantastic quest for meaning. In particular, the subjectivisation of Monkey King on the screen, embodying the transition from primitivistic impulse, youthful idealism and mature practicality up to responsible stewardship, presents how an iconic national figure encapsulates the real historical time of China.


Think India ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 680-686
Author(s):  
Azad Pratap Singh

In our society, the proportion of youth is higher than any other society. They are important in this regard. But the real question is whether his views, trends and likes and dislikes are different from other generations of society in political terms. What is the reason for the tendency to see youth as a separate class. That we borrow the principles of politics from the West, where the distinction of generations is more important factor in politics than the distinction of community or class. At one time, parties like the Labor Party and the Green Party have been standing mainly on the vote of the youth for some time. The second reason is that the image of the youth is based on the English-speaking youths living somewhere in the metros. We often consider him to be a symbol of youth. While in reality they are a very small part of our youth. And the third reason is that the part of change, revolution and the politics of change that had set the hopes of the youth are still there in our political understanding. The fact is that the youth class is not very different from the elderly or any other generation in terms of participation in politics, if different then it means that its participation is less than the other class because it is more concerned about education and employment. There is no fundamental difference between the vote of the youth and other generations in terms of voting or political choice. If there is a difference, then only in the sense that the parties who have come in the last 25-30 years have heard more about the youth, hence their choice is more. Older parties usually get little support from the youth. However, it is not related to its youth, because the information about that party is limited to certain people.


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