Domestic Sovereignty,A‘yanDevelopmentalism, and Global Microhistory in Modern Egypt

2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 415-445
Author(s):  
Adam Mestyan

AbstractThrough a new type of global microhistory, this article explores the remaking of the political system in Egypt before colonialism. I argue that developmentalism and the origins of Arabic monarchism were closely related in 1860s Egypt. Drawing on hitherto unknown archival evidence, I show that groups of Egyptian local notables (a‘yan) sought to cooperate with the Ottoman governor Ismail (r. 1863–1879) in order to gain capital and steam machines, and to participate in the administration. Ismail, on his side, secured a new order of succession from the Ottoman sultan.A‘yandevelopmentalism was discursively presented in petitions, poems, and treatises acknowledging the new order and naturalizing the governor as an Egyptian ruler. Consultation instead of constitutionalism was the concept to express the new relationship. The collaboration was codified in the Consultative Chamber of Representatives, often interpreted as the first parliament in the Middle East. As a consequence of the sultanic order and the Chamber, Egypt's position within the Ottoman Empire became similar to a pseudo-federal relationship. I conclude by contrasting different ways of pseudo-federalization in the global 1860s, employing a regional, unbalanced comparison with the United Principalities and Habsburg Hungary.

2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Cronin

In the first decades of the nineteenth century, when the Middle East and North Africa first began to attract the sustained attention of European imperialism and colonialism, Arab, Ottoman Turkish, and Iranian polities began a protracted experiment with army modernization. These decades saw a mania in the Middle East for the import of European methods of military organization and techniques of warfare. Everywhere, in the Ottoman Empire, North Africa, Egypt, and Iran, nizam-i jadid (new order) regiments sprang up, sometimes on the ruins of older military formations, sometimes alongside them, unleashing a process of military-led modernization that was to characterize state-building projects throughout the region until well into the twentieth century. The ruling dynasties in these regions embarked on army reform in a desperate effort to strengthen their defensive capacity, and to resist growing European hegemony and direct or indirect control by imitating European methods of military organization and warfare. Almost every indigenous ruler who succeeded in evading or warding off direct European control, from the sultans of pre-Protectorate Morocco in the west to the shahs of the Qajar dynasty in Iran in the east, invited European officers, sometimes as individuals, sometimes as formal missions, to assist with building a modern army. With the help of these officers, Middle Eastern rulers thus sought to appropriate the secrets of European power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 294
Author(s):  
Ibnu Sina Chandranegara

Indonesian constitutional reform after the fall of Soeharto’s New Order brings favorable direction for the judiciary. Constitutional guarantee of judicial independence as regulated in Art 24 (1) of the 1945 Constitution, has closed dark memories in the past. This article decides that the Judiciary is held by the Supreme Court and the judicial bodies below and a Constitutional Court. Such a strict direction of regulation plus the transformation of the political system in a democratic direction should bring about the implementation of the independent and autonomous judiciary. But in reality, even though in a democratic political system and constitutional arrangement affirms the guarantee of independence, but it doesn’t represent the actual situation. There are some problems that remain, such as (i) the absence of a permanent format regarding the institutional relationship between the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court, and the Judicial Commission, and (ii) still many efforts to weaken judiciary through different ways such criminalization of judge. Referring to the problem above, then there are gaps between what "is" and what "ought", among others. First, by changing political configuration that tends to be more democratic, the judiciary should be more autonomous. In this context, various problems arise such as (i) disharmony in regulating the pattern of relations between judicial power actors, (ii) various attempts to criminalize judges over their decisions, and (iii) judicial corruption. Second, by the constitutional guarantee of the independence of the judiciary, there will be no legislation that that may reduce constitutional guarantee. However, there are many legislation or regulations that still not in line with a constitutional guarantee concerning judicial independence. This paper reviews and describes in-depth about how to implement constitutional guarantees of judicial independence after the political transition and conceptualize its order to strengthen rule of law in Indonesia


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 803
Author(s):  
Zeki Tekin ◽  
Gülnaz Okumuş

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Mankind has put forth a special effort to ensure the order of society since the very beginning of it. The Ottoman State, has always ensured the public and social order like other Islamic states in the light of Allah's commandments. However, the present order started deteriorating due to dwindling basic principles (justice, merit, consultancy ...) with time which were imposed by the Shariah Law; to which the Ottoman Empire was subjected.</p><p>The radical developments in the political, economic, social and legal fields that took place in Europe had affected the Ottoman State seriously like other states. Under the influence of all these internal and external dynamics, the Ottoman Empire started quest for a new order and attempted to bring a series of reforms under the name of westernization or modernization. Thus in the Ottoman State, besides these reform movements, the idea of creating a constitution had also emerged.</p><p>This study tries to find out the internal and external dynamics in the formation of Kanun-ı Esasi which was the first constitution of the Ottoman Empire in the modern sense and the consequences of this quest for order.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>İnsanoğlu, var olduğundan beri yaşadığı toplumun düzenini temin edebilmek için özel bir çaba göstermiştir. Kuruluşu itibariyle Ortaçağ devletlerinden olan Osmanlı Devleti, diğer İslam devletleri gibi kamu ve toplum düzenini her zaman Allah’ın hükümleri doğrultusunda tesis etmiştir. Ancak Osmanlının   tâbi olduğu şer’i hukukun vaz ettiği temel prensiplerin (adalet, liyakat, meşveret…) zamanla göz ardı edilmesi ile mevcut düzen bozulmaya başlamıştır.</p><p>Avrupa’da meydana gelen siyasal, ekonomik, toplumsal ve hukuk alanlarındaki köklü gelişmeler Osmanlı Devleti’ni ciddi anlamda etkilemiştir. Tüm bu iç ve dış dinamiklerin tesiriyle yeni düzen arayışına giren Osmanlı Devleti, batıcılık ya da modernleşme adı altında bir dizi reform teşebbüslerinde bulunmuştur. Osmanlı Devleti’nde bu reform hareketlerine paralel olarak bir anayasa oluşturma düşüncesi de böylece ortaya çıkmıştır.</p><p>Bu çalışmada Osmanlının modern anlamda ilk anayasası olan Kanun-ı Esasi’nin oluşumuna kaynaklık eden iç ve dış dinamiklerin neler olduğu ve bunların tesirleri ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır.</p>


Author(s):  
Paulina Jagoda Warsza

After Arab Spring many hopes were dashed. However historical change must be happening now in the area of social awareness. The rise of ex­tremism limits awareness and also endangers the Arab identity. The Arab revolution has to be more than the overthrowing of dictators. Bennabi created the concept of Post- Almohad Man and its “Colonsability” – a ten­dency to be colonized which allows the aggressor to be transformed into the colonizer. Is Bennabi’s theory applicable to Iraq? Should killing a Post- Almohad Man be the aim, as Bennabi postulated, and only this will allow society to develop? Although Bennabi rather had in mind liberation from auto-stereotype and reconstruction of identity, many still interpret his words literally.


Author(s):  
Raedi Irheim Mohammed Shebani

Each country has a set of pillars that give the state its importance in the perceptions of other countries and Iraq has a geo-strategic location and cultural depth and symbolic civilization and its tremendous wealth is an important figure in the international calculations, the material and moral pillars affect the level of strategic importance regionally and internationally, and therefore Iraq has become the focus of attention and aspirations Major countries since ancient times, Iraq has the pillars of what makes it in the case of (international attractor) throughout the ages, therefore, Iraq has been the catalyst for competition between countries and influential in regional and international balances throughout history and after 2003 Lal American for Iraq, the perceptions of countries have changed the importance of Iraq regionally and internationally after the change of the political system in it and its exit from the war as a strategic vacuum that countries seek regionally and internationally to control and influence it, influencing it means influence and domination of the sources of its energy, which led to the growing importance in perceptions Most countries have found in changing the political system in Iraq a way to build new relations with him and get economic, military and strategic opportunities by achieving understanding with him, while others have had strong relations and alliances with the former Iraqi political system has lost this Alliances and relations with the emergence of the new political system and therefore began to employ internal crises and trying to restore relations and interests and alliances to the former with him and the competition of major powers in the world for the position of Iraq as a place for security training in the Middle East.


Author(s):  
Basim Karim Suwaidan

The existence of Iraq as a political entity at the international level extends to more than 4500 B.C. and there are many countries and civilisations carried on. Before the British presence to the Gulf, Iraq was a part of the Ottoman Empire and Kuwait was a part of Basra Srate. But in 1904, Britain announced protection over Kuwait and combined lands and islands of northern Kuwait as possible to achieve their strategy to control the northern Arabian Gulf. Then, Al-Aqeer conference was held to solve the Borders' problem stills as a disputed between the two parties by the desire of Britain. In 1991, the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait came and then in 1993 the resolutions of the UN Security Council were released especially the 833 resolution which provided demarcation of the border between the two countries contrary to the facts of history and geography. The mistrust between the two countries continued despite to the US occupation of Iraq in 2003 and changing the political system there which Kuwait had a prominent role on. The problems between the two countries also continued when Kuwait imposed the reality by conducting more projects and procedures that leads to take over the Iraqi lands and narrowing on Iraqi seas. 


Author(s):  
Murdoko Murdoko

AbstractThe collapse of the New Order and the subsequent rise of the Reformation changed the political system, the legal system and the economic system. The political system and legal system almost all agree to change to become more liberal by promoting human rights, but for the economy there is division, which is to change to become liberal as in politics and law, and remain "integralistic" or family that leads to socialism. As a result, the Constitutional Court whose duty is to maintain the interpretation of the constitution by law allows for several models of decisions, namely the legal, attitude, strategic and institutional models.Keywords: Reformation, family, Liberal, legal model, attitude model, strategic model, and institutional model. AbstrakRuntuhnya Orde Baru dan diikuti munculnya Reformasi telah merubah sistem politik, sistem hukum, dan sistem ekonomi. Sistem politik dan sistem hukum hampir seluruhnya menyetujui berubah menjadi lebih liberal dengan mengedepankan HAM, tetapi untuk ekonomi terjadi pembelahan, yaitu ikut berubah menjadi liberal sebagaimana dalam politik dan hukum, serta tetap “integralistik” atau kekeluargaan yang mengarah pada sosialisme. Akibatnya terhadap Mahkamah Konstitusi yang bertugas untuk menjaga interpretasi terhadap konstitusi oleh undang-undang memungkinkan terjadinya beberapa model putusan, yaitu model legal, sikap, strategis, dan institusional.


Al-Mizan ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 156-184
Author(s):  
Indah Abbas

This article discusses the history of the development of Islamic law in the legal political system in Indonesia. The problem discussed in this article is how the history of the phases of Islamic law in Indonesia and how the formation of Islamic law in the development of the political system in Indonesia. The results showed that: First, the history of the development of Islamic law in Indonesia, namely from the pre-colonial period of the Netherlands, the Dutch colonial period, the period of Japanese occupation, the period of parliamentary democracy, the old and new order periods, and the reform period; Second, the position of Islamic law in the development of national law in Indonesia plays an important role in the orderliness of the Indonesian people, especially Muslims and is used as material in the preparation of national law


1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carter Vaughn Findley

Central to late Ottoman history is a series of events that marks a milestone in the emergence of modern forms of political thought and revolutionary action in the Islamic world. The sequence opened with the rise of the Young Ottoman ideologues (1865) and the constitutional movement of the 1870s. It continued with the repression of these forces under Abdülhamid 11 (1876–1909). It culminated with the resurgence of opposition in the Young Turk movement of 1889 and later, and especially with the revolution of 1908. Studied so far mostly in political and intellectual terms, the sequence seems well understood. The emergence of the Young Ottomans—the pioneers of political ideology, in any modern sense, in the Middle East—appears to result from the introduction of Western ideas and from stresses created within the bureaucracy by the political hegemony of the Tanzimat elite (ca. 1839–71). The repression under Abdülhamid follows from the turmoil of the late 1870s, the weaknesses of the constitution of 1876, and the craft of the new sultan in creating a palace-dominated police state. The emergence of the Young Turks shows that terror ultimately fostered, rather than killed, the opposition. Too, their eventual revolutionary success shows how much more effective than the Young Ottomans they were as political mobilizers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 148 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-40
Author(s):  
Krisztián Manzinger ◽  
Péter Wagner

Answering to local expectations and the need for a reliant partner for the US Army in the fight against ISIS, a Kurdish-based de facto autonomous territory emerged in Northern Syria, which later turned into a multicultural entity. The characteristically leftist political, social, and economic changes implemented by the new regime differ considerably from the government models practised in the region; however, they also trigger significant criticism. Although in 2018 and 2019, the entity suffered important losses in territory due to the geopolitical interests of Russia, the US, and Turkey, the Au-tonomous Administration of North and East Syria still could be a solid pillar in Syria’s future. This is not only due to its strategic and military importance, but also because the political system could provide, nevertheless, after some changes, an alternative for the Middle East in terms of multicultural governance, women’s rights and society-building based on mutual respect.


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