The Kuwaiti-Iraqi border dispute and its impact on the stability of the Arab Gulf region

Author(s):  
Basim Karim Suwaidan

The existence of Iraq as a political entity at the international level extends to more than 4500 B.C. and there are many countries and civilisations carried on. Before the British presence to the Gulf, Iraq was a part of the Ottoman Empire and Kuwait was a part of Basra Srate. But in 1904, Britain announced protection over Kuwait and combined lands and islands of northern Kuwait as possible to achieve their strategy to control the northern Arabian Gulf. Then, Al-Aqeer conference was held to solve the Borders' problem stills as a disputed between the two parties by the desire of Britain. In 1991, the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait came and then in 1993 the resolutions of the UN Security Council were released especially the 833 resolution which provided demarcation of the border between the two countries contrary to the facts of history and geography. The mistrust between the two countries continued despite to the US occupation of Iraq in 2003 and changing the political system there which Kuwait had a prominent role on. The problems between the two countries also continued when Kuwait imposed the reality by conducting more projects and procedures that leads to take over the Iraqi lands and narrowing on Iraqi seas. 

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.


1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Z. Paltiel

ANALYSTS OF THE ISRAELI POLITICAL SYSTEM HAVE COMMONLY attributed the stability of the polity to factors closely associated with the role played by the various Israeli parties in the state's economic and social life, and/or to the existence of a dominant, institutionalized state-building party. The consociational approach ought to help to clarify those factors which have maintained the stability of the coalition system which has governed the state of Israel since its establishment in 1948 and whose roots may be traced back as far as 1933 and even earlier.The consociational model and the theory of elite accommodation have been elaborated in an effort to explain the maintenance of continuing political stability in what at first glance would appear to be societies deeply divided along social, economic, ethnic, religious and ideological lines. Political stability in fragmented societies from this standpoint rests on the overarching commitment of the political elites to the preservation and maintenance of the system and their readiness to cooperate to this end.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-30
Author(s):  
András Körösényi

This paper first explores the polarizationthesis, according to which between 1990-2010 political polarization increased to a large extent in the Hungarian political elite and among citizens, although it did not undermine the stability of the political system. Second, it gives an endogenousexplanation for this phenomenon. Third, through theoretical discussion and empirical examples taken from Hungarian politics it is revealed that although growing polarization has not generated regime instability, it reduces, or might reduce, the efficiency of the operation of democracy. Five mechanisms of the effects of ideological polarization which weaken democratic accountability are explored.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-24
Author(s):  
Justyna Doroszczyk

Oprichina is the first security service in Russia. The main aim of oprichnina was to protect the stability of the political system and the reign of tsars. The main thesis is based on the conviction that secret services since Ivan the Terrible are one of the most important factors in the Russian political system. The purpose of the article is to analyze the functioning and the role of oprichnina, its organization, its structure and its main tasks in the context of the tendency of centralization of the state. The aim is to demonstrate that the establishment of the oprichnina initiated the process of forming state security organs as the foundation of maintaining power and implementing the priorities of internal and external politics.


Author(s):  
Williamson Myra

This chapter analyses the context and legality of Israel’s invasion of Lebanon, also referred to as the First Lebanon War and ‘Operation Peace for Galilee’. It began on 6 June 1982 and became an 18-year-long occupation, ending on 22 May 2000. The first section discusses the immediate pretext for Israel’s invasion—the attempted assassination in London of the Israeli Ambassador to Britain, Schlomo Argov, by Abu Nidal terrorists—as well as the more complex causes, such as the political animosity between Israel, Lebanon, Syria and the PLO. Section two analyses the positions of the main antagonists—Israel, Lebanon and the PLO—as well as other interested parties (the US, the UN Security Council and the UN General Assembly). The third section addresses the legality of Israel’s use of force, citing the arguments of scholars on both sides of the debate. Finally, the chapter assesses the precedential value of this use of force, in light of the Security Council’s refusal to accept that the attempted assassination was an ‘armed attack’ and its condemnation of the Israeli aggression.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 025-032
Author(s):  
Ali Salgiriev ◽  
Vakha Gaziev ◽  
Magomed Soltamuradov ◽  
Sultan Galbatsov

In the Northern Caucasus, political elites traditionally play a key role in managing political processes, prevent and resolve conflicts, counter sociocultural threats, terrorism, and political extremism. The stability of the political system depends on the degree of political elites’ responsibility and their ability to negotiate with the federal political and administrative elite and to relay the interests of society. New threats to the normal functioning of state authorities are currently emerging, indicating the inefficiency of Russia’s policy aimed at preventing information security threats. In recent years, active social strata (mainly young people) have been mobilized with the aim of overthrowing legitimate authorities and objectionable politicians, changing regimes, etc., using modern network technologies, disinformation and fake news. Due to its historical and socio-cultural characteristics, as well as poly-confessional structure, the population of the Northern Caucasus is highly sensitive to territorial issues, as well as issues of religion, culture, ethnic relations, etc. In many respects, information technologies determine the position and power of high-status actors, primarily political elites, within the political system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 88-102
Author(s):  
A.V. GLUKHOVA ◽  
◽  
D.V. SHCHEGLOVA ◽  

The purpose of the article is to study the conditions and consequences of reforming the political system by adjusting the Constitution as its political and legal basis. The research methodology in solving the assigned tasks is the political, legal and legal approaches in the interpretation of the legality and legitimacy of the decisions made; systemic, communicative and conflictological approaches in assessing the transformation of the political and legal foundations of the political regime. An all-Russian expert survey was conducted (70 experts, 25 cities of the Russian Federation), which made it possible to assess the content of the amendments made to the Constitution of the Russian Federation in terms of the emergence of risks to the stability of the political system. As a result of the performed political science analysis, the attitude of experts to the content and procedure for amending the Constitution of the Russian Federation was revealed. According to experts, the most illegal are (in descending order): "zeroing" of presidential terms; popular vote; form of amending the Constitution of the Russian Federation. Among those who consider the amendments to be legal, there are more representatives of two age cohorts: up to 40 years old and over 64 years old, although negative assessments remain dominant in this case. Middle-aged people are more critical. The scientific degree (doctors / candidates of science), as well as the field of professional activity (lawyers / non-lawyers) practically do not differ in assessing the legal nature of the amendments made to the Constitution of the Russian Federation (with the exception of certain points).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arusyak Aleksanyan ◽  
Ashot Aleksanyan

This book analyses procedures for ensuring Eurasian Economic Union political stability and promoting Eurasian integration. The political factors of stability and new integration agenda of the EEU member states have been comparatively analyzed by the application of the methodology of the Stability Index of Political System with careful consideration of continually improving the context of legal obligations and harmonizing interstate relations. The book covers a comprehensive study of a number of factors determining the political stability of the EEU member states within 2000-2019. In-country and Crosscountry analyses have been conducted within the framework of methodology of the Stability Index of Political System. This book is intended to be used by scholars, experts and students at universities and research centers.


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-611
Author(s):  
Daoud Khairallah

This article establishes that politically motivated pursuit of criminal justice at the international level undermines trust in the international legal order and inflicts multilateral harm that goes far beyond the facts subject to judicial process. The author analyzes the pursuit of justice in relation to two major events: the murder of Rafiq Hariri, a former Lebanese prime minister, and the international crimes that Saddam Hussein, former president of Iraq, was accused of committing. In the first example, the author examines the role of the UN Security Council, including reference to the efforts of the US, relative to the investigation and establishment of a special tribunal for Lebanon; and in the second, the role of the US in the trial and execution of Saddam Hussein. Both cases demonstrate that justice is the main victim of politicizing the judicial process.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 415-445
Author(s):  
Adam Mestyan

AbstractThrough a new type of global microhistory, this article explores the remaking of the political system in Egypt before colonialism. I argue that developmentalism and the origins of Arabic monarchism were closely related in 1860s Egypt. Drawing on hitherto unknown archival evidence, I show that groups of Egyptian local notables (a‘yan) sought to cooperate with the Ottoman governor Ismail (r. 1863–1879) in order to gain capital and steam machines, and to participate in the administration. Ismail, on his side, secured a new order of succession from the Ottoman sultan.A‘yandevelopmentalism was discursively presented in petitions, poems, and treatises acknowledging the new order and naturalizing the governor as an Egyptian ruler. Consultation instead of constitutionalism was the concept to express the new relationship. The collaboration was codified in the Consultative Chamber of Representatives, often interpreted as the first parliament in the Middle East. As a consequence of the sultanic order and the Chamber, Egypt's position within the Ottoman Empire became similar to a pseudo-federal relationship. I conclude by contrasting different ways of pseudo-federalization in the global 1860s, employing a regional, unbalanced comparison with the United Principalities and Habsburg Hungary.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document