Politics and power: the Triumph of Jacobinism in Strasbourg, 1791–1793

1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh Gough
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Religious Conflict ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Civil Strife ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Annus Mirabilis

One of the recurrent challenges to the historian of the French Revolution is that of interpreting the transition from the liberalism of its early years to the centralized dictatorship of the Terror. Why did the constitution of 1791, that remarkable legislative achievement which stood for so long as a model to nineteenth-century liberal reformers, collapse within a year of its enactment? How did the individual and political liberties guaranteed by that constitution become submerged so rapidly under the flood of repressive legislation during the Year II? What made the impressive façade of theannus mirabilisof 1790 crumble into political dissension from the summer of 1791 onwards, revealing the stark realities of religious conflict, war, insurrection and civil strife? Whether one regards this transition as the unfortunate consequence of a succession of political accidents or as the inevitable result of deeply rooted social conflict, the role of Jacobinism in the process is fundamental, for it provided both the personnel and the ideology that was to dominate political life throughout the Terror. As Michelet was one of the first to point out, Jacobinism underwent several transformations during the five years of its existence as a formal political movement, moving decisively to the left after the secession of the Feuillants in July 1791 and again with the expulsion of the leading Girondins in the following autumn, until it reached its final and most characteristic stage only at the height of the Terror, during Year II.

Mathematicians and the Nation in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century as Reflected in the Luigi Cremona Correspondence

2011 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Millán Gasca
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Scientific Culture ◽  
Bourgeois Society ◽  
Dominant Tendency ◽  
The Individual ◽  
National Membership ◽  
The French Revolution

ArgumentUp until the French Revolution, European mathematics was an “aristocratic” activity, the intellectual pastime of a small circle of men who were convinced they were collaborating on a universal undertaking free of all space-time constraints, as they believed they were ideally in dialogue with the Greek founders and with mathematicians of all languages and eras. The nineteenth century saw its transformation into a “democratic” but also “patriotic” activity: the dominant tendency, as shown by recent research to analyze this transformation, seems to be the national one, albeit accompanied by numerous analogies from the point of view of the processes of national evolution, possibly staggered in time. Nevertheless, the very homogeneity of the individual national processes leads us to view mathematics in the context of the national-universal tension that the spread of liberal democracy was subjected to over the past two centuries. In order to analyze national-universal tension in mathematics, viewed as an intellectual undertaking and a profession of the new bourgeois society, it is necessary to investigate whether the network of international communication survived the political, social, and cultural upheavals of the French Revolution and the European wars waged in the early nineteenth century, whether national passions have transformed this network, and if so, in what way. Luigi Cremona's international correspondence indicates that relationships among individuals have been restructured by the force of national membership, but that the universal nature of mathematics has actually been boosted by a vision shared by mathematicians from all countries concerning the role of their discipline in democratic and liberal society as the basis of scientific culture and technological innovation, as well as a basic component of public education.

scholarly journals Commercial Foot Soldiers of the Empire: Foreign Merchant Politics in Tampico, Mexico, 1861-1866

1990 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-314
Author(s):  
John D. French
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Current Literature ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Port Cities ◽  
Detailed Case ◽  
Central Arena ◽  
Foreign Merchants

During the period from Mexican independence in 1821 to the end of the French intervention in 1867, Mexico's primary tie to the outside world was based on trade. The foreign merchants, who monopolized this activity, played a crucial role in the economic, diplomatic, and political life of Mexico. The current literature on these nineteenth century merchants includes studies of foreign groups, such as the French, detailed case studies of individual entrepreneurs, firms and merchant families, and one work that provides a unique state-centered perspective on the Mexican/merchant nexus. None, however, have tried to conceptualize the role of foreign merchants as a whole, across national lines and individual rivalries, in the port cities that were the central arena of contact and conflict with the outside world.

La sinistra e la destra nella Francia politica

2013 ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Vincent Duclert
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Future ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
The Republic

The recent presidential elections in 2012 have shown that left-right cleavage was still dominant in France. The redistribution of political forces, strongly awaited by the center (but also by the extremes) did not take place. At the same time, the major issues, such the European unification, the future of the nation, the future of the Republic, the role of the state, continue to cross left and right fields, revealing other cleavages that meet other historical or philosophical contingencies. However, the left-right opposition in France structured contemporary political life, organizing political families, determining the meaning and practice of institutions. Thence, the question is to understand what defines these two political fields and what history brings to their knowledge since the French Revolution, or they are implemented

Nation and Generation in A Tale of Two Cities

PMLA ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 93 (3) ◽  
pp. 448-462 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert D. Hutter
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Generational Conflict ◽  
The Past ◽  
Two Cities ◽  
Critical Model ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Critical Methods ◽  
The French Revolution

A Tale of Two Cities, the French Revolution becomes a metaphor for the conflicts between generations and between classes that preoccupied Dickens throughout his career. Dickens uses a double plot and divided characters to express these conflicts; his exaggerated use of “splitting”—which the essay defines psychoanalytically—sometimes makes A Tale of Two Cities‘ language and structure appear strained and humorless. We need to locate A Tale of Two Cities within a framework of nineteenth-century attitudes toward revolution and generational conflict by using a combination of critical methods—literary, historical, psychoanalytic. This essay relates the reader's experience to the structure of the text; and it derives from Dickens’ language, characterization, and construction a critical model that describes the individual reader's experience while explaining some of the contradictory assessments of the novel over the past hundred years.

‘The Sword of Avenging Justice’: Politics in Sutherland after the Third Reform Act

Rural History ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANNIE TINDLEY
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Life ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Scottish Highlands ◽  
The Third ◽  
General Decline ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThere has been much historical debate over the role of aristocratic landed families in local and national politics throughout the nineteenth century, and the impact of the First, Second and Third Reform Acts on that role. Additionally, the period from 1881 in the Scottish Highlands was one of acute political and ideological crisis, as the debate over the reform of the Land Laws took a violent turn, and Highland landowners were forced to address the demands of their small tenants. This article addresses these debates, taking as its case-study the ducal house of Sutherland. The Leveson-Gower family owned almost the whole county of Sutherland and until 1884 dominated political life in the region. This article examines the gradual breakdown of that political power, in line with a more general decline in financial and territorial influence, both in terms of the personal role of the Fourth and Fifth Dukes of Sutherland, and the broader impact of the estate management on the mechanics and expectations of politics in the county.

scholarly journals LIBERALISM AND CONSERVATISM AS THE WORLD POLITICAL TRENDS: THE HISTORICAL ASPECT

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (24) ◽  
Author(s):  
O. V. Andriyenko
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Private Property ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
Spiritual Values ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Historical Aspect ◽  
Development Politics ◽  
The Social

In the article the historical aspect of liberalism, neo-liberalism, conservatism and neo-conservatism has been analyzed. Liberalism has been defined as the social and political theory founded on ideas of liberty and equality, free and fair elections, inborn civil rights, freedom of the press, freedom of religion, free trade, and private property. Liberalism is also a kind of political philosophy and worldview, program and practice. Conservatism has been defined as a social and political movement which is oriented on maintenance and reinforcement of existing forms of social, economic and political life, traditional spiritual values and which denies revolutionary changes and express distrust to people’s movement and radical reforms. The accent has been made on the fact that conservatism appeared after the Great French Revolution as a result of criticism of its experience. It was actively developed by many thinkers: E. Burk, J. de Maistre and L. de Bonald, F. de Chateaubriand, F. de Lamennais, B. Disraeli and O. von Bismarck, G. Moska, M. Heidegger, D. Bell and S. Lipset.Key words: Liberalism, Neo-Liberalism, Conservatism, Neo-Conservatism, Historical development, Politics. 

scholarly journals Cross-Nativity Partnering and Political Participation: The Effect of Partner's Immigration Background on Voting Across Immigrant Generations

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hansini Munasinghe
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Immigrant Integration ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Third Generation ◽  
Immigrant Generation ◽  
Logistic Regression Models ◽  
The Third ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The Individual

Research on cross-nativity partnering – relationships between immigrants and non-immigrants – has mainly focused on socioeconomic determinants and outcomes of these unions, and their sociopolitical consequences remain underexplored. Extrapolating existing research reveals how cross-nativity relationships may serve as conduits of resources, knowledge, and connections that facilitate political participation; as spaces of political resocialization, bringing together partners with different experiences and understandings of citizenship; and, alternatively, as a selection mechanism whereby immigrant integration results in cross-nativity relationships among those more likely to participate in politics. Using data from the Current Population Survey (CPS) and linking information about married and cohabiting couples, this study assesses whether cross-nativity partnering is associated with voting. Logistic regression models predicting voting using respondents’ and their partners’ immigrant generation indicate two broad findings. First, having a second or third+ generation partner is positively associated with voting, consistent with theoretical expectations that US-born partners provide resources or signal selection. Second, and more surprisingly, there is small but significant variation in voting among the third+ generation based on their partner’s immigrant generation. This indicates inadequacies in theorizing US-born partners solely as providers, and is more consistent with political resocialization. Importantly, this finding challenges theoretical and empirical assumptions in immigration research about the third+ generation as a static baseline. Overall, this study contributes to expanding scholarly focus beyond the individual to the role of relationships, in particular of spouses and cohabiting partners, in integrating immigrants into political life, and, more broadly, in shaping and contextualizing interactions between the state and its citizens and subjects.

scholarly journals THE HISTORY OF A CALENDAR AS A CUMULATIVE TEXT OF MASS MEDIA IN THE ETHNIC CULTURE OF GERMANY

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 976-981
Author(s):  
U.A. Nebesnyuk
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Social Consciousness ◽  
Literary Genre ◽  
Ethnic Culture ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Original Meaning ◽  
History Of

The article presents the analysis of composition, forms and functions of a calendar as a cumulative text of mass media in the ethnic culture of Germany from the mid-fifteenth until the early nineteenth century. It was revealed that, in connection with the growing role of narrative entertainment part since the 10s of the nineteenth century and the politicization of social consciousness during the great French Revolution, the calendar as a truly national medium of information has been undergone literarization, having lost its original meaning. Calendar stories have formed an independent literary genre which had received the name «Kalendergeschichte» in German tradition.

Party, Popularity and Dissent

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Bourke
Keyword(s):  
Early Years ◽  
Religious Conflict ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Commons ◽  
To Come ◽  
Established Church

This chapter details Burke's political life from 1765 to 1774. During his early years in parliament, developments in Britain and Ireland proved formative politically and intellectually for Burke. Throughout the course of his first years in the Commons, the main threat to domestic consensus seemed unlikely to come from the growth of religious conflict. In 1772, he opposed the idea of relieving the Anglican clergy of the duty of subscribing to the tenets of the established Church on the grounds that the security of religion required a community of belief based on agreed doctrines and a uniform liturgy. Yet he insisted that this should be accompanied by generous toleration. In 1769, the exclusion of John Wilkes from parliament betrayed government contempt for liberty and a disregard for popular sentiment. In response, Burke provided his party with a probing analysis of the causes for the growing alienation of the public from the administration.

Political Toasting in the Age of Revolutions: Britain, America and France, 1765–1800

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rémy Duthille
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
American Revolution ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Popular Politics ◽  
Popular Opinion ◽  
American Colonies ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Civic Celebrations

This chapter examines the emergence of political toasting in revolutionary France and during the ‘age of revolutions’ in Britain and America from 1765 to around 1800. Drinking and toasting were integral to the expression of popular politics. Contemporaries and historians have used toast lists as precious, if rough, indexes of popular opinion and, during the 1790s, as evidence of sympathy for the French Revolution and transnational republicanism. Toasting was a common practice in the American colonies and the young republic, and was adopted later in France. David Waldstreicher has shown the crucial role of civic celebrations and convivial gatherings in the forging of a new, republican identity during the American Revolution and in the early years of the republic. In his work on Ireland, Martyn Powell showed how toasting, while drawing on English and American symbolism, displayed an increasing sense of Irishness after the 1760s.

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