CAMEROONIAN NATIONALISTS GO GLOBAL: FROM FOREST MAQUIS TO A PAN-AFRICAN ACCRA

2010 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
MEREDITH TERRETTA
Keyword(s):  
External Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Unity ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Pan African ◽  
Territorial Sovereignty ◽  
Underground Resistance ◽  
Postcolonial States

ABSTRACTThis article reassesses the political alternatives imagined by African nationalists in the ‘first wave’ of Africa's decolonization through the lens of Cameroonian nationalism. After the proscription of Cameroon's popular nationalist movement, the Union des Populations du Cameroun (UPC), in the mid-1950s, thousands of Cameroonian nationalists went into exile, most to Accra, where they gained the support of Kwame Nkrumah's Pan-African Bureau for African Affairs. The UPC's external support fed Cameroon's internal maquis (as UPC members called the underground resistance camps within the territories), rooted in culturally particular conceptions of freedom and sovereignty. With such deeply local and broadly international foundations, the political future that Cameroonian nationalists envisaged seemed achievable: even after the Cameroon territories' official independence, UPC nationalists kept fighting. But, by the mid-1960s, postcolonial states prioritized territorial sovereignty over ‘African unity’ and Ghana's support of the UPC became unsustainable, leading to the movement's disintegration.

The Charter of the Organization of African Unity

1965 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. O. Elias
Keyword(s):  
Small Group ◽  
Sierra Leone ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
African Unity ◽  
United Arab Republic ◽  
Self Defense ◽  
Pan African ◽  
Organization Of African Unity ◽  
Independent States

Early in 1961, the President of Liberia, the Prime Minister of Nigeria, and the Prime Minister of Sierra Leone decided to act as joint sponsors of a conference of the leaders of all the independent African states for the purpose of promoting inter-African co-operation. Liberia, as the the oldest of the three sponsoring states, graciously offered to play host. The idea was that all the African states that were independent at that time were ipso facto eligible for membership of the conference. This conference would include the small group of independent African states, usually referred to as the Casablanca bloc, consisting of the United Arab Republic, Ghana, Guinea, Mali and Morocco. This group had signed the Casablanca Charter which was a brief document setting out the aims and purposes of the organization, among which were schemes of economic and social co-operation and the establishment of an African High Command for the purpose of self-defense of its members as well as for that of ridding the continent of Africa of all forms of colonialism. When, therefore, the decision was taken by the three sponsoring states to call a Pan-African conference, it was envisaged that all the then independent states in Africa, including the so-called Casablanca bloc states, would attend and take a full part in its deliberations.

John Redmond and federalism in 1910

2001 ◽  
Vol 32 (127) ◽  
pp. 343-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Wheatley
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Court Proceedings ◽  
Weekly Journal ◽  
Political Radicalism

In early August 1910 readers of Reynolds’s Newspaper, a radical weekly journal noted as much for its detailed coverage of divorce court proceedings as for its political radicalism (and in 1911 one of the ‘immoral’ English Sunday papers targeted by Irish ‘vigilance committees’), may have perused the weekly political column written by T.P. O’Connor. ‘T.P.’, the M.P. for Liverpool Scotland, was anything but a disinterested columnist, and with John Redmond, John Dillon and Joseph Devlin formed the inner leadership of the Irish Parliamentary Party and Ireland’s nationalist movement.Throughout the political crisis of early 1910 O’Connor had been the main London-based conduit for communications between the Irish Party and Asquith’s cabinet, and in particular Lloyd George and the Liberal chief whip, the Master of Elibank. The outcome of the January 1910 general election, which had given the balance of power in the House of Commons to the Irish nationalists, and John Redmond’s use of that power to force Asquith to act to end the veto powers of the House of Lords over parliamentary legislation, had enhanced both Redmond’s status in Ireland and the importance of home rule as an issue that had to be resolved.

scholarly journals Russian Nationalists Fight Ukrainian War

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Yudina
Keyword(s):  
Current Situation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Current Regime ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Consolidation

Abstract In this article, I am going to focus on how the radical nationalist movement in Russia fares in the current situation, given the political consolidation of the current regime, and the war in Ukraine1 and the government’s reaction to it. The article describes the situation as it stood at the end of 2014, which makes it predictably incomprehensive because new updates on the conflict still arrive every day, and there has also been more news about Russian ultra-right forces over the past few months.

1918–1920

2021 ◽  
pp. 137-150
Author(s):  
Daniel-Joseph MacArthur-Seal
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
The Future ◽  
National Movements ◽  
Southern Russia ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

The sub-chapter traces major military and political developments in the eastern Mediterranean in 1918–1920, beginning with the arrival of British and Allied forces in Istanbul. It sketches out the political debate over the future of the city and wider Ottoman Empire through the series of Allied diplomatic meetings that set out the terms of what would become the Treaty of Sèvres. The chapter also summarises developments in Anatolia following the Greek occupation of Izmir in May 1919, the reaction to which crystalized the emerging nationalist movement in Anatolia, and in southern Russia and the Caucasus, where Bolshevik and White Russian forces competed for control with non-Russian national movements. Finally, it outlines the political debate over the future of Egypt and the impact of the revolution of 1919, one of a growing number of anti-colonial uprisings which Britain was forced to contend with in the period.

The Rise of the Modern White Nationalist Movement

Hard White ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 47-71
Author(s):  
Richard C. Fording ◽  
Sanford F. Schram
Keyword(s):  
White Supremacy ◽  
Racial Diversity ◽  
Racial Consciousness ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
White Racial Consciousness ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
Political Narratives

Chapter 3 traces the rise of the modern white nationalist movement and the process by which it was mainstreamed in American politics. The chapter describes the ideology of white nationalists and the variety of racialized political narratives utilized by movement leaders to foster white racial consciousness. These narratives became increasingly resonant among white racists due to observable increases in racial diversity, which was portrayed as a threat to white supremacy. Nonetheless, because of the relatively closed nature of the political opportunity structure, white racists had few vehicles open to them to express their frustration. From the 1980s until the election of Obama in 2008, white racists became increasingly disillusioned with contemporary politics. Most white racists sat out of politics altogether as an increasingly angry minority fueled a rapid growth in white nationalist groups that were relegated to the extremist fringe.

Native Troops in Colonial Armies: A Research Note on an Incident during the Bengal Army Mutiny of 1857-1858

Itinerario ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-95
Author(s):  
Roger N. Buckley
Keyword(s):  
Research Methodology ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
World War One ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
British Rule ◽  
Indian Nation ◽  
The Hill

In an article published in this journal (V (1981), 1), I argued that we will not be able to fully understand the political significance (if any) of the widespread eruption in John Company's Bengal Army in 1857, unless we hear from the “other side of the hill,” from the alienated sepoy officer and rank and file. In the interim we have heard principally from several senior British writers. And because of, for instance, a much flawed research methodology, they have reached unanimity in their analysis of the shock to British rule in India: it was simply a mutiny, one absolutely void of any organized political aims or expressions. The work of Thomas Spear is typical. He has this to say in his India: A Modern History concerning the question of the mutiny as a nationalist movement, a war of independence: “The view that the mutiny was a concerted movement against the British, a violent predecessor of Mahatma Gandhi's campaigns, overlooks the fact that there was then no Indian nation.” He adds: “The new classes with ideas of nationalism were then very few in numbers and they were wholly opposed to the movement.” Philip Mason added the weight of his distinguished reputation to this chorus of disbelievers, who appeared to cringe in retrospective horror at the thought that the good and faithful sepoy could harbor such hideous–and ungrateful–thoughts as freedom from (what was) alien tyranny. After all, Mason muses, did not every British writer up to the mutiny repeat the belief that the Indian soldier had no sense of nationalism? No, he concludes smugly, the Indian soldier had no national feeling until long after World War One. The sepoy was, then, nothing more than a mindless mercenary-child-robot. The mutiny, however, and the other disturbances among the native soldiery prior to 1857, would indicate that the British, then and now, never fully understood their Indian auxiliaries.

scholarly journals The Political, Cultural, and Military Re-Awakening of the Kurdish Nationalist Movement in Iran

2010 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hashem Ahmadzadeh ◽  
Gareth Stansfield
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Nationalist Movement

scholarly journals Same Goal, Different Paths, Different Class: Women’s Feminist Political Engagements in Kosovo from the Mid-1970s until the Mid-1990s

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 313-334
Author(s):  
Elife Krasniqi
Keyword(s):  
Political Activism ◽  
The Political ◽  
High State ◽  
Women Intellectuals ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Cultural Racism ◽  
Underground Resistance ◽  
Late Socialism ◽  
Resistance Movement

Abstract The year 1989, when Serbia revoked Kosovo’s autonomy, was a break that changed also the course of women’s political engagements. Women had always to negotiate and strategise with different layers of power and against different forms of oppression—state and patriarchal oppression and cultural racism as well as class oppression. The author highlights the convergences and divergences of women’s political activism in the political dynamics of late socialism and then in the 1990s in Kosovo. She looks at gender, class and national dimensions of women’s political engagements with a focus on women who were part of the underground resistance movement commonly known as Ilegalja in the 1970s and 1980s as well as women intellectuals who held high state positions and were considered a part of the elite. After 1989, many engaged in the peacaful resistance movement of the 1990s.

scholarly journals Successful small-scale irrigation or environmental destruction? The political ecology of competing claims on water in the Uluguru Mountains,Tanzania

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Harrison ◽  
Anna Mdee
Keyword(s):  
Political Ecology ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
External Support ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
The Political ◽  
Water Shortages ◽  
Uluguru Mountains ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
Small Scale Farmers ◽  
Nearby City

Abstract In the Uluguru Mountains of Tanzania, an expansion in informal hosepipe irrigation by small-scale farmers has enabled the development of horticulture, and resulted in improvements in farmers' livelihoods. This has largely taken place independently of external support, and can be seen as an example of the 'private' irrigation that is increasingly viewed as important for sub-Saharan Africa. However, these activities are seen by representatives of government and some donors as the cause of environmental degradation and water shortages downstream, especially in the nearby city of Morogoro. As a result, there have been attempts to evict the farmers from the mountain. Negative narratives persist and the farmers on the mountainside are portrayed as a problem to be 'solved.' This article explores these tensions, contributing to debates about the formalization of water management arrangements and the place of the state in regulating and adjudicating rights to access water. We argue that a focus on legality and formalization serves to obscure the political nature of competing claims on resources that the case illustrates. Keywords: irrigation; Tanzania; ethnography; political ecology; water

‘We will not be pacified’: From freedom fighters to feminists

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 362-380
Author(s):  
Amina Mama
Keyword(s):  
Gender Politics ◽  
Public Intellectual ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Freedom Fighters ◽  
Postcolonial States ◽  
Research Analysis

Whether hailed for transitioning to the ballot box, or condemned for failing to hold elections, Africa’s postcolonial states exhibit profound contradictions in the arena of gender politics. Where reforms have been achieved, implementation remains minimal, as undemocratic state structures and uncivil societies alike lack the political will to change. This article addresses the emergence of feminism as an intellectual and political force for freedom that radically challenges the ongoing exploitation and oppression of women in Africa. It focuses on the contribution of radical intellectuals to the theory and practice of women’s movements, arguing that the research, analysis, and activism they carry out defines them as a radical public intellectual cadre that continuously mobilizes with, by, and for women to pursue liberation for themselves as much as others.

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