Enemies Evermore: US Policy Towards Cuba After Helms-Burton

1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 211-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
WILLIAM M. LEOGRANDE

When Cuban MiGs blasted two civilian planes out of the sky over the Straits of Florida on February 24 1996, they also destroyed any chance of improved relations between Cuba and the United States as long as Fidel Castro remains in power. In Washington, outrage over the shoot-down resurrected the Helms-Burton bill, the most punitive legislation on Cuba since the early 1960s. On 12 March, President Bill Clinton signed the bill into law as the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act of 1996. In addition to assorted sanctions aimed at foreigners doing business in Cuba, the most consequential provision incorporates the US economic embargo into law. Heretofore, the embargo was based on presidential executive orders; it could be tightened or loosened at the president's discretion as conditions warranted. Under Helms-Burton, no president can lift or even relax the embargo until Fidel Castro and the existing Cuban regime fall from power. At a time when Cuba's domestic social and economic system is changing at break-neck speed, Washington's 35-year-old policy of hostility has just been chiselled in stone.

Author(s):  
Nuri Gökhan Toprak

The concept of influence can be defined as a tool of international actors, a form of power, the ability to overcome obstacles in order to achieve different purposes or the desired result in the process of power relations established between actors in international politics. According to the approach that aims to reach the concept of influence as the desired result, in the process of setting up influence states try to influence each other through different methods and tools in which can be used through states’ own capacities. In addition to political and military tools, economic impact tools related to the field of foreign trade and finance are frequently used today. Economic impact tools, such as external aid, which may be positive or rewarding, may also be negative or punitive in a range from the boycott to the blockade. The study aims to provide a qualitative assessment of the United States' (US) economic sanctions against Iran in the context of the use of economic impact tools in international politics. In order to achieve this aim, 12 executive orders issued by the US on the grounds that Iran poses a threat to its national security, foreign policy and economy will be examined. In the conclusion of the study, the assumption that the US sanctions against Iran almost for 40 years has become a multilateral structure such as commercial and financial blockade from a structure related to bilateral relations such as boycott and embargo will be tested.


2005 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 859
Author(s):  
Meredith Kolsky Lewis

The author comments on Luke Nottage's paper found in this volume (Luke Nottage "Who's Afraid of the Vienna Sales Convention (CISG)? A New Zealander's View from Australia and Japan" (2005) 36 VUWLR 815). The author first identifies additional factors as to why the Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods ('CISG') may be opted out of in the United States: its lack of a duty of good faith, its narrow scope, and its uncertainty of outcome. However, the author argues that we should be more optimistic about the use of the CISG in the US. First, the US is an original signatory. Secondly, Americans may come to accept the CISG more as their exposure to it grows. Thirdly, a lack of reported US cases involving the CISG does not necessarily mean it is not being used – it purely indicates a lack of litigation. Fourthly, the CISG not being used may speak more about who the US are doing business with. Finally, the numbers show that the CISG is being used frequently. The author therefore concludes that we should be optimistic about the use of the CISG in the United States, and expects its use will increase over time.


1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas F. Lowenfeld

On March 12, 1996, President Clinton signed the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (LIBERTAD) Act of 1996, generally known by the names of its principal sponsors as the Helms-Burton Act. The Act is a mixture of codification of existing economic sanctions previously imposed pursuant to executive orders; inducements and promises related to restoration of democracy in Cuba; threats against persons from third countries that do business with Cuba; a new, unprecedented remedy for expropriation; and restrictions on entry into the United States by persons who “traffic in confiscated property” or who are affiliated with such persons by ownership, employment or family. The President had indicated that he would veto the Helms-Burton bill if it reached his desk, and quite possibly it would never have done so, but for the events in the Florida Strait on Saturday, February 24, 1996. On that day, at about 3:15 in the afternoon, two Cessna 337 light planes flown by a Cuban-American organization based in Florida were blown up by missiles launched by MIG–23 and MIG–29 planes of the Cuban Air Force, apparently on standing orders of President Fidel Castro. President Clinton immediately condemned the attack, and by the following Wednesday, he announced that he now would sign the Helms-Burton bill, subject to one compromise to be discussed hereafter.


Author(s):  
Viktoriia Bondaruk

The US foreign policy serves as an example for other countries, as it is one of the most developed countries in the world. For a better understanding of the features of contemporary foreign policy, the preconditions for its formation are determined. The history of the United States of America has been analyzed, which has inevitably influenced the formation of its current foreign policy and geostrategy. The political system of the country is defined as one of the direct factors influencing the formation of foreign policy. It is revealed that the very political preconditions create the legal basis for the existence and development of foreign policy, and therefore their study is very important for a deeper understanding of the vectors, principles and means of implementing the modern foreign policy of any state, namely, the United States. The internal economic situation, structure and development of the country’s economy, as well as problems and challenges on the way to the development of the national economy that are directly relevant for defining the functions, priorities and directions of foreign policy are considered. After all, it is the economy that is one of the most important factors shaping the foreign economic strategy of the state, which is an important factor in the formation of foreign economic relations and politics in general. It is proved that the geopolitical situation is the main factor for the definition of foreign policy vectors of the state. The geographic and geopolitical location of the state, in this case, the United States, defines the directions and vectors of the foreign policy of the state. The article explores all the factors and preconditions for the formation of US foreign policy during the presidency of Bill Clinton and his predecessors.


Author(s):  
N. Litvinenko ◽  
N. Pogorila

Article deals with conceptual and theoretical grounds for US global leadership policy in the post-bipolar period. In this context, the strategy of US global leadership during the presidency of Bill Clinton is thoroughly researched. On the conceptual level the existing strategy of US global leadership under President George. W. Bush is being reviewed. The liberal realistic concept of US leadership under presidency of B. Obama found further development. The basic differences in foreign policies between Republican and Democratic US administration post-bipolar era were revealed. It is reported that the US would continue to play a crucial role in world politics and provide conceptual and applied political and security strategies of the United States, which affect foreign policy and constitute an integral part of US geopolitical interests.


Author(s):  
Andrew Sanders

Clinton’s election in 1992 brought a Democrat back to the White House. Clinton had pledged to involve the United States in the Northern Ireland peace process more significantly than any previous administration, and immediately set about exploring issues such as a visitor's visa for Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams and the creation of a Special Envoy to Northern Ireland, duly following through on both pledges despite resistance from Ulster unionists. This chapter utilizes a range of state and personal papers to examine the ways in which Clinton was engaged and advised by a small group of Irish-American supporters, led by a former college friend and former Congressman, Bruce Morrison. The chapter also examines the three visits that Clinton made to Northern Ireland, focusing on his historic 1995 visit. In particular, the chapter considers the role of the US government in the achievement of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement and the associated paramilitary ceasefires that preceded it.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall W. Reed

The Emerging Church is one of the more interesting new movements in the religious landscape of the United States today. The Emerging Church has come out of US Evangelicalism, which has found itself in crisis, with a diminishing number of young people remaining in the church and a general popular impression of being intolerant, judgmental, and right-wing. Many in the Emerging Church are attempting to construct a vision of Christianity that addresses these problems. However, the Emerging Church is not a monolith; it includes a variety of perspectives and positions. What I will argue in this article is that there is, among several different perspectives within the movement, a critique of the US political and economic system that provides an interesting and new way of thinking about the relationship between Christianity, politics, economics, and identity that may serve to create a challenge to the hegemonic system of the United States. For the purposes of this article I use three examples to illustrate my point: Shane Claibourne’s “New Monasticism”/”Red Letter Christians” movement; Brian McLaren’s recent work, Why did Jesus, Moses, the Buddha and Mohammed Cross The Road; and Peter Rollins as a self-proclaimed inheritor of the radical tradition. I will show that the Emerging Church thinkers, by challenging the theological constructions of US Evangelicalism, are likewise providing fodder, to varying degrees, for a critique of the US political and economic system. Whether this will coalesce into a real significant challenge or will ultimately be reabsorbed by the status quo and/or marginalized remains to be seen.


1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-162
Author(s):  
Pamela S. Falk

With the passage by the 104th Congress of the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act of 1996 (Helms-Burton), signed into law by the president on 12 March 1996, relations between the United States and Cuba became the subject of quietly intense international discourse. Whether this multinational concern serves simply to strain US relations with its European and Latin American allies or to precipitate fundamental change in Cuba depends largely on the actions of President Clinton and, of course, on those of his nemesis, Cuba’s President Fidel Castro.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Holder Bennett

In response to the various travel restrictions put in place by President Donald J. Trump's various executive orders, the author analyzes their implications in the context of existing policy and the structure of recognized constitutional rights for foreigners visiting the United States.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. e57624
Author(s):  
Angelo Raphael Mattos

A partir das competências constitucionais do Congresso dos Estados Unidos em política externa, das plataformas dos partidos Democrata e Republicano de 1992, bem como dos argumentos a favor e contra a implementação do North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), o artigo objetiva compreender e discutir as razões da dificuldade enfrentada por Bill Clinton para aprovar o NAFTA no Congresso dos EUA em 1993. Os resultados das análises dos diferentes grupos domésticos, incluindo os atores Executivo e Legislativo, indicam que posições ideológicas, sobretudo presentes no Partido Democrata, como questões trabalhistas e ambientais, representaram o principal fator de resistência ao NAFTA no Capitólio.Palavras-chave: Congresso; Estados Unidos; NAFTA.ABSTRACTBased on the constitutional powers of the United States Congress in foreign policy, the platforms of the Democratic and Republican parties of 1992, as well as the arguments for and against the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the article aimed to understand and discuss the reasons for Bill Clinton's difficulty in passing NAFTA to the US Congress in 1993. The results of the analyzes of different domestic groups, including the Executive and Legislative actors, indicate that ideological positions, especially present in the Democratic Party, as labor and environmental issues, represented the main factor of resistance to NAFTA in the Capitol. Keywords: Congress; United States; NAFTA. Recebido em: 08 fev. 2021 | Aceito em: 20 set. 2021.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document