National Integration and the Southern Sudan

1966 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
George W. Shepherd
Keyword(s):  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Southern Sudan ◽  
National Integration ◽  
New States ◽  
The Common ◽  
The One ◽  
New System

The question of national unity for the new states of Africa stands at the centre of their political problems. Progress in a variety offields is blocked until they are able to resolve internally the constitutional question of loyalty to a new system of authority which was conceived under colonialism and made a reality through nationalist drives for independence. Africa, more than any other continent, is troubled by the divisions between ethnic, racial, and religious groups who found temporary consensus in the struggle against the common colonial enemy, but who, having achieved independence, find the principle of self-determination now internally a divisive force against a unified national polity and purpose.According to James Coleman and Carl Rosberg, ‘Just as the one-party trend is the most striking feature of the political structure of new African states, so the problems of integration are the major issues and obstacles in the task of nation-building, which is itself the primary preoccupation of the leadership of the new states.’

scholarly journals Condemning Religion: RLUIPA and the Politics of Eminent Domain

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Serkin ◽  
Nelson Tebbe
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
Important Implication ◽  
Safety Valve ◽  
Eminent Domain ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Federal Statute ◽  
The One ◽  
Special Protection

85 Notre Dame Law Review 1 (2009)Should religious landowners enjoy special protection from eminent domain? A recent federal statute, the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (RLUIPA), compels courts to apply a compelling interest test to zoning and landmarking regulations that substantially burden religiously owned property. That provision has been controversial in itself, but today a new cutting-edge issue is emerging: whether the Act’s extraordinary protection should extend to condemnation as well. The matter has taken on added significance in the wake of Kelo, where the Supreme Court reaffirmed its expansive view of the eminent domain power. In this Article, we argue that RLUIPA should not give religious assemblies any extraordinary ability to resist condemnation. We offer two principal reasons for this proposal. First, the political economy surrounding condemnation is markedly different from that of zoning, so that broadening the law’s protections beyond zoning to cover outright takings would be unnecessary and ineffective. Second, the costs of presumptively exempting congregations from condemnation are likely to be far higher than the costs of doing so with respect to zoning. In conclusion, we identify an important implication of our argument for the law’s core zoning provision – namely, our proposal invites local governments to circumvent RLUIPA by simply condemning religious property that they find difficult to zone because of the Act. On the one hand, this gives local governments a needed safety valve while, on the other hand, requiring them to pay just compensation to religious groups. Our proposal therefore suggests a powerful compromise.

scholarly journals Local Wisdom and National Integration in Indonesia: A Case Study of Inter-Religious Harmony amid Social and Political Upheaval in Bunga Bondar, South Tapanuli

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 30
Author(s):  
Rosmaida Sinaga ◽  
Flores Tanjung ◽  
Yuri Nasution
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
National Integration ◽  
Local Leadership ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
Dutch Colonial

This study emphasizes on inter-religious affairs happened in Bunga Bondar, South Tapanuli began to experience turmoil when thenational movement era started in 1908 and itstillhappens to present-day. The Dutch colonial government advocated for inter-religiousharmony at a local level. The policy was pursued by the the Dutch colonial government out offear that the Indonesian people would developa sense of unity and fraternityamong them, thereby intensifying thespirit of nationalism. The Dutch government’s concern eventuallycame true when the power of the Christian wingof the national movement cooperated with itsIslamic counterpart. Along with the political upheavalsand social changes experienced by the Indonesian people, the harmony between religious groups in various regions was affected. Despite migration, changes of central and local leadership, and the flow of modernization that took place, the dynamics of inter-religious harmony of the 1930s are still present today.The tradition, the spirit of harmony, leadership models, and the application of local wisdom are all the key to the survival of inter-religious harmony in Bunga Bondar, South Tapanuli, as findings in research that can be used as a guide or model to build national integrity.

Managing Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka through Constitutional Arrangements

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Ilam Khan
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Political Liberalization ◽  
History Of

Marginalization causes conflicts; they may be political, social, or economic. A careful contemplation over the history of Sri Lanka reveals that the sentiments of being marginalized have been present — in one (ethnic) group or the other — in the island right from its independence. When the majority ethnic group, i.e., the Sinhala, was in a position of power, it manipulated the constitution of the country to safeguard its own interests. This widened the rift among different ethnic and religious groups, especially between the Sinhala and the Tamil. This structural marginalization resulted in a civil war, starting in 1983, that lasted for 26 years. However, the ethnic conflict did not resolve even after the end of the civil war and continues to exist in the form of a political struggle between the Tamil and Sinhala. The Tamil demand for federation, autonomy, inclusion, and self-determination can only be achieved through constitutional means. Therefore, this research evaluates the post-Civil Warconstitutional development and amendment processes that were, at a point in time, more pluralistic and liberal, and contributing well to managing the ethnic conflict in the country. It was expected that the ethnic conflict would be permanently resolved through the constitutional arrangements, which Sri Lanka was already heading. However, the majority (Sinhala) reversed the progress through a new (20th) amendment to the constitution. Against this backdrop, this article argues that all segments of the society can be accommodated in the political sphere of the state through political liberalization which is possible only through constitutional arrangements.

Port Harcourt: Ibo Politics in Microcosm

1969 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 469-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Wolpe
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Port Harcourt ◽  
Post War ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

To the political scientist concerned with the relationship between social and economic modernisation, on the one hand, and political change and integration, on the other, the Ibo experience has long held particular interest. In his pioneering study of Nigerian nationalism, James Coleman observed that Ibos had played a singular role in the post-war political era: ‘Ibos overwhelmingly predominated in both the leadership and the mass membership of the N.C.N.C., the Zikist Movement, and the National Church. Postwar radical and militant nationalism, which emphasized the national unity of Nigeria as a transcendent imperative, was largely, but not exclusively, an Ibo endeavor’1 But radical and militant pan-Nigerian nationalism was only one part of the Ibo political posture. No less noteworthy was the parallel development of a highly cohesive and organisationally sophisticated pan-Ibo movement, the very success of which ultimately undermined the pan- Nigerian aspirations of the Ibo-led N.C.N.C. and, subsequently, was one of several factors operating to impair the national legitimacy of an Ibo-led military régime. It is this paradoxical blending of ‘civic’ and ‘primordial’ sentiments which, perhaps, best defines the modern Ibo political experience2.

scholarly journals Arendt, Koselleck, and Begreifen: Rethinking Politics and Concepts in Times of Crisis

2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vlasta Jalušič
Keyword(s):  
Hannah Arendt ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Thinking ◽  
Political Tradition ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Common ◽  
Multiple Breaks ◽  
The One ◽  
Historical Periods

Reinhard Koselleck has long been regarded as a particularly eminent theorist of socio-political concepts, while Hannah Arendt had not been in focus as a conceptual author until recent times. This article explores the common thinking space between Arendt and Koselleck through their thesis about the gap, rupture, crisis, or break in the tradition of political thinking and historical periods and how this is linked to their notion of conceptuality, i.e. Begreifen (understanding). Despite the impression that each of them focused on the one main break between the past and the future, Arendt and Koselleck both studied multiple breaks and crises in the Western political tradition. The article attempts to show how their distinctive thinking and rethinking of political concepts (Begreifen) are related to these breaks through several direct and indirect encounters and how these are both close and apart at the same time. While they have different concepts of politics and the political, their understanding of the breaks in time and crises can be read as complementary, especially considering their concern with returning the responsibility for actions and concepts to the human sphere.

The Abrahamic Religions: A Very Short Introduction

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles L. Cohen
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Short Introduction ◽  
Religious Identities ◽  
The Common ◽  
Abrahamic Religions ◽  
The One

Connected by their mutual—if differentiated—veneration of the One God proclaimed by Abraham, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam compose a family of related traditions. The Abrahamic Religions: A Very Short Introduction explores their intertwined histories and the ways in which encounters among their adherents have helped construct their own independent religious identities from antiquity to the present. Those identities have not been fixed and static, but have rather reflected particular historical contexts. The political arrangements in which the religions emerged and intermingled—notably, their changing relationships to state power—have figured importantly in their development. The common heritages of the Abrahamic religions have both brought them together and divided them.

Labouring for Kashmir’s azadi: Ongoing violence and resistance in Maisuma, Srinagar

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
Sarbani Sharma
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Everyday Life ◽  
Central Area ◽  
The Other ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City

While much has been said about the historicity of the Kashmir conflict or about how individuals and communities have resisted occupation and demanded the right to self-determination, much less has been said about nature of everyday life under these conditions. This article offers a glimpse of life in the working-class neighbourhood of Maisuma, located in the central area of the city of Srinagar, and its engagement with the political movement for azadi (freedom). I argue that the predicament of ‘double interminability’ characterises life in Maisuma—the interminable violence by the state on the one hand and simultaneously the constant call of labouring for azadi by the movement on the other, since the terms of peace are unacceptable.

INTEGRATION OF THE RUSSIAN YOUTH INTO POLITICAL PROCESS: SEARCH OF CONDITIONS AND FACTORS OF EFFICIENCY

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 100-104
Author(s):  
Малик ◽  
Elena Malik
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Youth Group ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The One ◽  
New Generation

In the article the problems of formation and realization of participation of new generation of the Russian youth in political life of the society are revealed. The author shows specifics of formation of the political position of young citizens. Differentiation of valuable representations of youth group joining to political process is given. The author reasons the influence of the factors effecting political expression and self-determination of young citizens. On the one hand, the youth has the necessary potential of influence on the political sphere of state institutes, and on the other hand, it needs the support of social and political activity from state and public institutes. The importance of the conditions necessary for effective activization of participation opportunities of young citizens in the political process of the country is presented.

scholarly journals The Heian Court Poetry as World Literature

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edoardo Gerlini
Keyword(s):  
World Literature ◽  
The Political ◽  
Literary Traditions ◽  
Modern Times ◽  
Imperial Court ◽  
Court Poetry ◽  
The Common ◽  
The One ◽  
Heian Court

What could be the common points between the Literature produced at the imperial court of 9th-10th century in Japan with the one composed in Italy under the rule of Frederick II of Hohenstaufen? Why the Kokinwakashū in Japan and the Sicilian School of Poetry in Italy have been acknowledged as canons for later literary traditions? How did the political power influence the production of court poetry and the role of poets in the court environment? Why two particular poetic forms like the sonnet in Europe and the waka in Japan succeeded to survive until modern times?

scholarly journals Ethno-Nationality and Violence in Sindh: A Case Study of MQM

2019 ◽  
Vol IV (III) ◽  
pp. 501-509
Author(s):  
Sanaullah ◽  
Fakhr ul Munir ◽  
Hina Malik
Keyword(s):  
South Asian ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Ethnic Identification ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
National Unity ◽  
National Integration ◽  
New States ◽  
History Of ◽  
Culture And Language

Regionalism has oftenly expressed itself in terms which are opposed to national unity and integrity and challenged the legitimacy of the state while the rulers see it as a threat to development, progress and unity that is the why a regional issue of socio-political representation of Muhajirs has been projected in this paper. As in other states of South Asian region, factors of language and geography contributed a lot in ethnic identification in Pakistan as well which gave birth to various conflicts among different identities in different times and making the process of national integration vulnerable. Two Nation Theory and became successful in the existence of Pakistan but usually culture and language do not support only the development of a single ethno-nationalism aspirations in new republics. Clifford Gertz calls it as �old societies and new states�. One of endeavors by an ethnic federation is the re-orientation of ethnic based collective action into non-violent politics. Unity among all peoples, linguistic or racial groups must be obtained and can be found within diverse ethno-cultural environment of Pakistan. Sindh has had long history of ethnic struggle.

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