Political Machines at Work Voter Mobilization and Electoral Subversion in the Workplace

2014 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Frye ◽  
Ora John Reuter ◽  
David Szakonyi

The authors explore how modern autocrats win elections by inducing employers to mobilize their employees to vote for the regime and thereby subvert the electoral process. using two original surveys of employers and workers conducted around the 2011 parliamentary elections in russia, they find that just under one-quarter of employers engaged in some form of political mobilization. they then develop a simple framework for identifying which firms engage in voter mobilization and which workers are targeted for mobilization. firms that are vulnerable to state pressure—financially dependent firms and those in sectors characterized by asset immobility—are among the most common sites of workplace-based electoral subversion. the authors also find that workers who are especially dependent on their employer are more likely to be targeted for mobilization. By identifying the conditions under which workplace mobilization occurs in authoritarian regimes, the authors contribute to the long-standing debate about the economic bases of democratization. in addition, they explore an understudied means of subverting elections in contemporary autocracies: the use of economic coercion to mobilize voters. Moreover, their research finds that clientelist exchange can thrive in industrial settings and in the absence of deeply embedded political parties.

The results of the parliamentary elections of 2019 in the Republic of Moldova and the features of the structure of the state power vertical are analyzed. Using mathematical methods, the results of the parliamentary elections were also analyzed, the main determinants of the prevailing political processes, the key regions of the main political forces were determined, the general political landscape of the republic was clarified and investigated, its main laws were determined. The problematic issues of the political life and structure of the Republic of Moldova were examined. The features of the electoral legislation of the country are established. The properties of the main political parties of the republic are analyzed. Some features of the course of the national election process are highlighted. The features of the main political parties, their electoral field, ideological orientation, the history of formation and inter-party relations are considered. The factors of influence on the will of Moldovan voters are investigated. In addition, an effective number of parties has been established in the Moldovan parliament. The configurations of potential coalitions in the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova are analyzed. The ethnic component in the political life of the country is clarified. The role of the regional factor in the electoral process is emphasized. The spatial and electoral similarity of parties in the 2019 parliamentary elections was determined. The features of the functioning of the political system of the country are highlighted. Particular attention is paid to the stability and capacity of possible coalitions and the success of potential coalition negotiations in general. The degree of regional homogeneity of the parties is clarified. The role of religion in the electoral process during the parliamentary elections of 2019 is determined. The results of mathematical calculations are analyzed and the results of the analysis are summed up.


Author(s):  
Amanulla Mukhamedjanov

This article is devoted to the analysis of the evolution and current state of electoral legislation in Uzbekistan. The author examines the process of the electoral legislation’s formation and development after Uzbekistan gained independence, gives a description of its features, as well as the dynamics of the electoral policy’s development in the country. Much attention is paid to the reasons, development process of and adoption of the Electoral Code, as well as innovations included in it after testing at the last parliamentary elections. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the political parties’ role in the electoral process in the context of the multi-party system formation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-454
Author(s):  
Paulami Sanyal

Following the 2014 presidential election, Egypt’s parliamentary elections failed to uphold democratic ethos. Despite the fact that the electoral process was better and the participation of women improved, it failed in terms of freedom of media, civil societies and allowing multiple political parties. Lack of clarity in the voting process, continued crackdown on Muslim Brotherhood, and absence of an opposition led to loss of faith among Egyptians regarding the so called transitional period and directed the future of Egypt back to the history.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 59-67
Author(s):  
Ivan Skripka ◽  

The article examines the phenomenon of the influence of social networks on election campaigns using the example of Norway. For an introduction to the context of the electoral situation in Norway, the author describes the election programs of the main Norwegian political parties. Methods of content analysis and discourse analysis are used to better understand network voter mobilization. The author provides a review of the literature on this topic in order to substantiate the need for the applied methodology. The analysis of the share of Internet users in different countries has been carried out. The most popular social networks have been identified and the networks that are best suited for political mobilization and are used in Norway have been identified. The author carried out a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the official Facebook accounts of the Norwegian parliamentary parties during the election campaign in 2021. The study revealed the main trends in the behavior of political parties and their voters on the Facebook social network. The author concludes that all political parties in Norway use social networks as one of the main channels for mobilizing supporters. In addition, this tool allows parties to respond to current topics and changing voter sentiments.


Author(s):  
Ivan Skripka ◽  

The article examines results of the parliamentary elections in Norway on September 13, 2021. The author analyses the changes in electoral process in Norway, compares results of the leading political parties in 2017 and 2021, and studies their pre-election programs, discusses possible options for formation of a government based on results of the elections, forecasts how the election results might affect further development of party and political system of Norway and relations with Russia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-153
Author(s):  
Eleonora Minaeva ◽  
Petr Panov

Abstract In the context of electoral authoritarianism, political mobilization is likely to be a more reasonable explanation of cross-regional variations in voting for the party of power than the diversity of the regions’ policy preferences. In the Russian Federation, the political machines which coordinate various activities aimed at mobilizing people to vote for United Russia demonstrate different degrees of effectiveness. This article examines the structural factors that facilitate machine politics focusing on ethnic networks. Although strong ethnic networks are more likely to arise if the members of an ethnic group live close to each other, and at the same time separately from other ethnic groups, so far researchers have neglected to consider the localization of ethnic groups within the territory of an administrative unit as a factor. In order to fill the gap, we have created an original geo-referenced dataset of the localization of non-Russian ethnic groups within every region of the Russian Federation, and developed special GIS (geographic information systems) techniques and tools to measure them in relation to the Russian population. This has made it possible to include the localization of ethnic groups as a variable in the study of cross-regional differences in voting for United Russia. Our analysis finds that the effect of non-Russians’ share of the population on voting for UR increases significantly if non-Russian groups are at least partially geographically segregated from Russians within a region.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 392-408
Author(s):  
Miroslav Řádek

Abstract Department of Political Science at Alexander Dubcek University in Trencin prepared its own exit poll during election day on March 5, 2016. The survey asked seven questions that were aimed at determining the preferences of the respondents concerning not only the current but also past general elections. Interviewers surveyed the choice of political party or movement in parliamentary elections in 2016 as well as preferences in past elections. Followed by questions concerning motivation to vote - when did the respondents decide to go to vote and what or who inspired this decision. The survey also tried to found out how many preferential votes did the voters give to the candidates of political parties and movements. Final question asked about expectations for the future of individual respondents. This article is the information output of the survey. The interviewers were 124 university students and its return was 1,612 sheets. The aim of this paper is to communicate the findings of this unique survey, which is unprecedented in the Slovak political science.


Author(s):  
Marek Tyrała

The main research hypothesis put in the article is: Populist parties have a negative impact on the functioning of liberal democracy in Poland. The article attempts to characterize and define the main criterion distinguishing populist parties and anti-system movements against the background of standard political parties. The article also attempts to characterize the process of functioning of liberal democracy in Poland. The text has an interdisciplinary character, the research problem has been analyzed from a political, sociological and philosophical perspective. While verifying the hypothesis put in the work, it was noticed that there is a high probability that the election success of populist parties and movements had a negative impact on the process of functioning of liberal democracy in Poland after the parliamentary elections. An attempt to verify the research hypothesis can make a significant contribution to further studying the functioning of the party and anti-system movements in the process of electoral rivalry in Poland.


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