The Academic Freedom and Responsibilities of Foreign Scholars in African Universities

1977 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 14-32
Author(s):  
James S. Coleman

“Academic freedom,” Ashby asserts, is “an internationally recognized and unambiguous privilege of university teachers.” Is this proposition confirmed by experience to date as regards the academic freedom of the foreign scholar in African universities? This is the central empirical question. Or is it merely a culture-bound affirmation of a normative ideal which it is hoped might be instituted as a universal right of university teachers, irrespective of citizenship status, tenure of appointments, and the political and university systems in which they serve? Indeed, is it an ideal which can be realized, however imperfectly, or in any event, ought to be categorically affirmed as a privilege of foreign scholars serving in universities anywhere? These are among the questions Ashby’s proposition provokes, and which require, at the outset, some disaggregation of the meanings and interpretations of such a highly normative and emotion-ridden concept, whose genesis and sustenance are undeniably sui generis to a particular cultural and historical experience.

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ирина Юдина ◽  
Irina Yudina

This work is an attempt to explain the political roots from which banking systems have evolved in different countries and how they have evolved at different times. For this purpose, materials and analysis tools from three different disciplines were used: economic history, political science and Economics. The main idea that is set out in this paper is the statement that the strength and weakness of the banking system is a consequence of the Great political game and that the rules of this game are written by the main political institutions.


Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.


InterConf ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 50-56
Author(s):  
Victoria Nebrat ◽  
Olga Kudlasevych

The peculiarities of international scientific and educational relations in the Soviet period of Ukraine’s history are revealed. The political causes and long-term consequences of intellectual autarky are identified. The necessity and possibility of development of international cooperation on the basis of increase of academic mobility are argued.


Author(s):  
Kenneth Joel Zogry

The introduction explains the role of the Daily Tar Heel, the UNC student newspaper, in the broader context of the university and the state of North Carolina. It outlines the key arguments and themes in the book: academic freedom, freedom of speech and press; the ideological evolution of the university; the political push-pull over progressivism and conservatism in the state; and the role of big-time athletics at a top-tier research institution.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seán Molloy

Primarily known as a pioneer of International Relations (IR) theory, Hans Morgenthau also wrote on a series of other political themes. Especially prominent in his later career is a concern with the right and duty of a theorist to exercise academic freedom as a critic of government power and, especially in this particular case, of US foreign policy. For Morgenthau the responsibility to hold governments to account by reference to the ‘higher laws’ that underpin and legitimize democracy in its truest form was a key function of the theorist in society. Dissensus and healthy debate characterize genuine democracy for Morgenthau who was perturbed by what he perceived to be a worrying concern with conformity and consensus among the political and academic elites of Vietnam War era America. This article investigates the theoretical and philosophical commitments that explain why Morgenthau felt compelled to oppose the government of his adopted state and the consequences of his having done so. For all the vicissitudes he endured, Morgenthau ultimately emerged vindicated from his clash with the political elite and his experience serves as an exemplary case of the effective use of academic freedom to oppose government policy by means of balanced, judicious critique. In the final section I argue that Morgenthau’s approach to theory, theorization and the role of the intellectual in society provides valuable insights into the nature of reflexivity in IR that are of relevance to contemporary debates in the discipline.


Author(s):  
Dimitri Kastritsis

During the course of the fifteenth century, the Ottoman sultanate underwent many transformations in the political and cultural sphere. When the century began, Bayezid I (r. 1389–1402) was making the first serious if ultimately unsuccessful Ottoman bid at empire. By its end, Mehmed the Conqueror’s much more centralised empire was in the hands of his son Bayezid II (r. 1481–1512), who commissioned chronicles documenting its entire history down to his own time. These were largely compilations made up of distinct elements, many of which were much older. This chapter focuses on what such texts can tell us about how the fifteenth-century Ottomans perceived the eastern Roman and Islamic past and their own historical role in the region.


Author(s):  
Mercedes Barros ◽  
Virginia Morales

En el presente artículo se aborda la relación entre populismo y derechos ciudadanos desde una perspectiva histórica y política, atendiendo a ciertos aspectos atribuibles al populismo en tanto fenómeno político específico y enfocando el análisis en una experiencia histórica determinada de los así llamados populismos clásicos. Puesto que de manera reiterada se ha señalado que los regímenes populistas suponen una convivencia conflictiva en el ejercicio efectivo de los derechos y libertades individuales, el objetivo del artículo se encamina a contribuir al esclarecimiento de esta tensión. En particular, se centra en la experiencia política del primer peronismo, dirigiendo la mirada sobre las implicaciones de este vínculo en la base de la sociedad. Para tal propósito, se recuperan ciertas matrices textuales heterodoxas, a través de las cuales se busca dilucidar la experiencia subjetiva que se forjó en torno al ejercicio de los derechos ciudadanos con el telón de fondo del discurso peronista.Abstract: This paper addresses the relationship between populism and civil rights from a political and historical perspective, paying attention to certain theoretical approaches that can be attributed to populism understood as a specific political phenomenon and focusing analysis on a certain historical experience of so called classical populisms. As time and time again it has been suggested that populism imply a conflictive coexistence between the effective exercise of individual rights and its freedoms. The aim of this paper is to feed the clarification of this tension. It focuses on the political experience of first peronismo. The paper aims to contribute to the clarification of the tension that characterizes this link, particularly focusing on its implications at the base of society. For this purpose, we recover certain heterodox textual matrices, in which we hope to elucidate the subjective experience that was forged around the exercise of civil rights against the backdrop of Peronist discourse.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 30-35
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Bon

Since the establishment of the Bolshevik regime, intellectuals as holders of knowledge, ideology and historical experience, were under systematic and constant pressure. Special attention was paid to political control over higher education institutions, particularly in Kyiv. This control concerned reorganization of Ukrainian universities (Russian universities were not reorganised). That is why particular attention should be paid to higher education changes during the early totalitarism period. Kyiv University served as a basis for establishment of Kyiv Higher Institute of People’s Education and other educational institutions. Besides, there was political and ideological purge of teachers and students at the same time. The forms of control over lecturers were detailed questionnaires and reports. Such famous scientists as Hryhoriy Pavlutskiy, Klyment Kvitka, and others were among those lectures. Students were controlled through commissions on political level checks (political registration). Those commissions were the ones that carried out a purge in 1921–1923s. All those actions changed the political and ideological situation in Kyiv Higher Institute of People’s Education.The subject matter of this article is to show forms and methods of control over the lecturers and students in Kyiv Higher Institute of People’s Education. The main sources used in the article are the documents of the fund P-346 (R-346) of the State Archives of Kyiv.


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